Capacity Building for Urban Sanitation Development Main Report

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Gender in City Programs

Bottom-up Decision Making

Under the Indonesian decentralisation policy, RTs make their own annual development plans. These go up through RWs and Kelurahans to Kota (city) level where the merging of bottom up and city planning takes place. Women are greatly under-represented in the planning and decision making. They are not invited/expected to attend community planning meetings and very few have a function as political representatives or cadre in the local government. Only the PKK (women’s program of MoHA) and UP2K (women’s program from BKKBN) have exclusively female staff at local level .

Community-managed Sanitation

Cases of community-managed sanitation are (1) MCKs or communal bathing, washing and toilet facilities (Mandi, Cuci, Kakus) and SANIMAS systems, community managed mini-sewerage system with on-site treatment of black- and grey water. There are some good examples of MCKs that men and women from the user community itself run on a recurrent cost-recovery basis with quite a good equity for gender and poverty (Case 1). The cases indicate that running communal facilities on a commercial basis, but managed with solidarity and equity by the user communities themselves do work. Operation on a commercial basis by an external entrepreneur is likely to be only profit-oriented and to lack the community service and social solidarity elements. So far, there is no strategy on community management of CMKs/Sanimas facilities.

Case 1 – Well-managed MCKs with different degree of community involvement

The MCK in Keluharan Semanggi in Surakarta, an industrial city in Central Java, Indonesia, consists of four old toilets and two newer ones, a bathing cubicle, a tiny operator’s office, a septic tank, a water tank, a water supply connection and a stand-by borehole with an electric pump. The block is accessible from two sites and is fully cemented. The toilets are worn but clean, do not smell and all water seals are intact and filled with water. There is a liquid soap container for hand washing under the operator bench, which looks used, but there is no hand washing facility and in the period of our visit none of the toilet users washed hands afterwards. The community contributed to the construction of the block through self-help (gotong royong). Operation is by the user households on a voluntary basis. Neighbourhoods RT 1 and 3 provide one operator each and RT 2, 4 and 5 provide two operators each on a monthly basis, by men during the night and women during the day. The motivation of the operating lady during our visit is primarily to serve her community. Fees are per visit: Toilet IDR 100, bath IDR 500, a bucket of water IDR 100, and larger containers IDR 200 and 300. Those who cannot afford to pay usually say that they will pay later. It is locally know who really cannot pay and the operators do not insist on their paying. This was clearly a well managed MCK with a considerable amount of gender equity, but a detailed study is needed for full analysis. A ToR for such a study was prepared. A visit to one of the improved MCKs (with treatment) in Denpasar, the capital of Bali, showed that this was also well kept by a paid operator. There is a biogas tank under the centre. Users pay IDR 500 for using the toilets, IDR 5,00, 1,000 or 2,000 for laundry (depending on the amount) and IDR 500 for a shower. The income is IDR 600.000 per month. Running costs are IDR 400,000. The remainder goes to the local owner NGO, BaliFokus, to cover the recurrent costs. The NGO, BaliFokus, employs the operator and does the financial management on the request of the community to avoid that the local landowner who donated the land for the project, takes over its management as a private enterprise.

Community-based and managed mini sewerage systems consist of a number of house connections that are shared by one or more families and from which the sewerage flows via individual manholes to a series of Baffle-Reactors (a kind of inter-connected septic tanks). The solids of the sludge sediments in these tanks, while the increasingly clear black water moves from tank to tank to drain ultimately into a field or local drainage system. Each mini-system also has a grease trap at the start to catch the grease from disposal of cooking oil. These systems are also known as SANIMAS, but this name is both confusing (there is also an MCK in Denpasar with the same treatment system) and limiting development, because of the strong ownership of one NGO (BaliFokus) which has led to the unchanged replication of the approach while there is a need for improving participation, gender and social equity, financial sustainability and replication and quality of community management (Case 2 and 3).

Case 2 - Inequity in payments and benefits from community managed mini sewerage

A community-managed mini-sewerage system is under development in Tegal Kertha in Denpasar. The neighbourhood is a mix of poor small houses and middle and upper class housing and more large new houses under construction. Sixty households have subscribed so far, but we could not find out how many of these belong to the better off. The total construction costs is IDR 227 million. The city government pays almost IDR 200 million, German-located BORDA (which pays the local NGO BaliFokus) 25 million. Each user household paid IDR 75,000, irrespective of its socio-economic status. The total community contribution is less than 2%. The expected tariff will be IDR 3,000 to 5,000 per month, also not weighed for socio-economic status and the associated higher production of waste water. Despite its low cost sharing, BaliFokus chose the contractor without tendering, which is against government rules. PU chose the new neighbourhood because the first choice (a really poor neighbourhood) dropped out after already 30% of the investment had been spent. PU explained that the shift was made after the neighbouring Kelurahan, which was also keen to have the system, had influenced the households of the original area to mistrust the technology. The neighbouring Kelurahan’s strategy for reallocation failed, however, because PU cannot shift allocations to another Kelurahan once it has been made.

Case 3 – Mini-sewerage benefits poor; better social equity and accountability aim at

Kusuma Bangsa is a low-income, peri-urban community in northern Denpasar, the capital of Bali, Indonesia. It has a rough access road and much open land where some large houses are under construction. Many families share their house with 1-2 immigrant families, most monthly renters. There is no piped water supply, only private shallow wells. The families can participate in the annual cycle of development planning of the local and municipal government through a general assembly. Mostly male household heads attend. Women go only when their husband cannot go, or there is no male head. One project chosen is mini-sewerage service with baffle reactors. In the community assembly, its primarily male attendants chose the site and an all-male sanitation management committee. Construction started in November 2004. The system became operational in February 2005. Sixty-seven houses are connected, serving 211 households. Of them, the community rated 5% as well-off (according to local poverty criteria), 90% as moderately well-off and 5% as poor. Monthly incomes were IDR 1,5 million (about US$ 167), IDR 500,000 – 1 million (US$ 55-111) and IDR 400,000 (US$ 44) respectively. A housing estate is now planned in the community with 100 houses. The developer of the estate has approached the committee for connections, but no decision has been reached. The capacity of the simplified sewerage system is sufficient for 300 households.

For service operation, the committee originally employed two operators at a fee of IDR 350,000 per month. Because they wanted more, the committee fired one operator and now pays the other IDR 500,000 per month. He runs the system and collects the solid waste. His main work is to empty the grease filter and clean the pipes once a week. Each connected household pays IDR 5,000 per month, IDR 2,000 for the sewerage and IDR 3,000 for solid waste collection, enough to cover the budgeted monthly cost: the operator salary, electricity charges, minor repairs and monthly reservations for desludging once every two years. According to the treasurer, social pressure achieves that everyone pays, although with delays up to 3 months, the agreed maximum. The money is kept in a separate bank account and an accounts book is kept. According to the data in the accounts book, the monthly income is some IDR 1 million, given an average number of 200 user households. Expenditure has been IDR. 550,000 per month, as so far there had been no other costs than the operator’s fee. The system was emptied once, at the start of 2006, but the costs (IDR 500,000 for two truckloads) was paid by the NGO, BaliFokus, that helped establish the system, and not, as agreed, by the committee. Nevertheless the account held only IDR 2 million, according to the treasurer.

The system is working well and has been shown to be technically, financially, environmentally and institutionally sustainable. Accountability for financial management to the member households is limited, however. The committee simply states the amounts received and expended in a routine oral report to the wider community assembly that meets each month on all community affairs and which some 80% of the male household heads attend. Improvements are now intended which consist of (1) annual auditing of the accounts by an audit team appointed by the service members’ assembly, (2) accounting for service- and financial management to an annual members’ assembly of husbands and wives, (3) presentation of the plans and budget for the next year to the assembly and getting clearance by a majority, and (4) promoting a more representative sanitation committee with also women and users from the lowest income levels and other ethnic groups.

Personal communication from Yuyun Ismawati, BaliFokus, and Frank Fladerer, BORDA.

Community-managed SWM (Solid Waste Management)

A system of low cost collection, sorting and recycling/reuse for solid domestic waste exists already in all cities. It can have many forms, but mostly it involves cooperation between different actors:

  1. Women household heads

Women household heads, as individuals, neighbours, or women’s groups practise forms of RRR (Reducing, Recycling, and Reusing) and sometimes transport solid domestic waste to Temporary Disposal Stations (TPS).

Case 4 - Gender approach to community cleaning and greening through self-help

Women in RT12A of Kelurahan Sungai Jingah in Banjarmasin in South Kalimantan recycle organic waste in groups of 3-4 neighbours into solid and liquid compost. They use this to grow ornamental potted and garden plants, vegetables, fruits, and shade trees along the streets, and for selling to private consumers. The local men do the cleaning and greening self-help. The neighbourhood has also done paving, built a badminton court and a meeting facility and developed local waste land into a farm.

  1. Primary informal private sector

Male and female workers collect, sort, process and sell different types of waste. Men usually do the heavier collection, women the processing, e.g. of plastics, plastic drinking water bottles and cups, glass, paper and metal. Both men, women and children also segregate solid waste on city dumps.

Case 5 - Community managed solid waste recycling with paid operators

In an RT in Denpasar, Bali, women and local community leaders have organized their own solid waste collection and recycling system. The RT is a middle-class neighbourhood with 70 households. The RT employs two male collectors with a collection cart each. On day one, they visit the first 35 households, on day two the next 35. The housewives segregate the waste, but not when they are too busy. The collectors then segregate it in their yard, which was provided free of charge by the community head. They will soon move to a larger depot on government land. The households pay a fee of Rp. 10,000 per month. All households participate. The operators share the income. In addition they sell the segregated plastic, the compost (for energy) and the plants which they grow on the compost. Altogether, they have, and monitor the sale of 24 products. They earn a total of Rp. 600-700,000 per month. Neighbouring communities have asked to be served as well but the operators cannot cover an additional area and for reasons unknown the RTs have not succeeded in establishing their own system. Neighbouring communities have asked to be served as well but the operators cannot cover an additional area and for reasons unknown the RTs have not succeeded in establishing their own system.

Case 6 - Informal private sector and solid waste: different tasks of women and men

A woman in Kelayan Tengah, a poor Kelurahan in Banjarmasin washes the plastic cups of safe drinking water and stacks them into piles and large plastic bags which a male informal private collector sells back to the drinking water factory in Surabaya. The heavier work of collection is done by poor men.

  1. Secondary Informal Private Sector

Informal private sector entrepreneurs, both women and men, buy unsorted or sorted waste from primary workers and selling it on to the formal sector.

Case 7 – Informal Solid Waste Recycling; also women entrepreneurship

A woman entrepreneur in Blitar who was an informal waste picker herself and now buys waste from 20 women waste pickers and employs five men to sort the waste for onward selling.

  1. Cooperation between the public and the informal private sector

There is an agreed cooperation between the city and a local non-profit enterprise to collect, sort and process solid waste in a particular area or areas of the city.

Case 8 – Composting by CBO provides employment to poor women and men in Denpasar

The community of Sanur Kauh on the outskirts of Denpasar, Bali, has set up a cooperation project for solid waste recycling. The city granted three trucks for collection. Three quarters of the collected waste is inorganic and goes to the city dump, ¼ th is organic and recycled into compost. Households pay a fee of Rp. 10,000/month. 60% participate. The private enterprise has six employees, three women and three men. Five are composters, the sixth is a security guard. They work half days and earn Rp. 250,000/month. The depot was acquired jointly by the city and the community. All compost is sold in 20 kg bags at Rp. 1000 per kg. In addition, the enterprise sells plants (Fig. 4) and mosquito repelling ‘coils’ and a body scrub produced with a traditional procedure from some of the plants. The enterprise is not self-sustaining. It gets Rp. 2 million/month from the community’s general revenue.

The above examples show that various models are operating successfully. In-depth analysis, including on the roles and relations of women household heads, local leadership and male and female waste workers, can make clear why these models are working successfully and what the criteria that allow them to be replicated in other parts of the city. Such insights can then help in formulating a strategy for various types of cooperation between men and women in un(der)served city communities and the informal sector, and the supportive roles for such cooperation for the city administration, e.g. in providing space for primary segregation and recycling points and arrangements for end disposal of non-recyclable waste.

In ISSDP-Jakarta, the specialist for the private sector has already started to mainstream gender in the assessment of existing services. Use of the gender and poverty analysis model can further help with the analysis of these services and preparing the SWM city strategies that recognize and strengthen gender and poverty approaches.

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