Sir Owen Dixon, the UN mediator on Kashmir, visited the Valley in May 1950. Even after
five decades his ghosts continue to haunt Kashmiri politicians. Sajjad Lone’s recent
outburst, lapping up Dixonian proposals and subsequent attempts to whip up communal and parochial passions, bear eloquent testimony to it.
The maverick Australian judge was drafted by Anglo-American bloc as part of its intervention to impose an imperialist solution on Kashmir. He had a simple brief---facilitate delinking of strategic Kashmir valley from India and put control of J&K’s immense water resources at the disposal of Pakistan, a client state of Anglo-Americans. Dixon showed little regard for India’s grand experiment in federalism and its vibrant democracy.
For nearly five decades Dixon’s proposals remained under wraps. What was given out publicly was that the UN mediator had proposed limited plebiscite for Kashmir valley under a UN sponsored plebiscite administrator. It was not revealed what he had suggested about the strategic Doda district. This district, rich in forest wealth and having great tourism and Hydroelectric potential, had for all purposes remained a part of Jammu province. In terms of social demography the two communities are almost evenly balanced. New light on Dixon’s mission in 1950 reveals that Dixon had conveyed to Pt. Nehru and other Indian leaders that his definition of Kashmir valley was Valley proper plus an area that linked tehsils of Rampur and Riasi and was adjacent to Kashmir. That suggested Chenab as the boundary. Pt. Nehru had unambiguously rejected Dixon’s balkanizing proposals.
In mid-1990s when J&K was reeling under crossborderterrorism,a US think-tank Kashmir Study Group that has active collaboration of Pakistanis and Kashmiri jihadists brought out discredited Dixon’s proposals from cold storage and repackaged these as Kathwari\Livingstone plan. Since then different US think-tanks have been peddling these formulae as ‘solution’ to Kashmir.
In early 1999 when under American pressure NDA govt. started secret diplomacy with Pakistan ,the main thrust of the Pakistan proposal was that rivers should be used as the basis for resolving conflicts between India and Pakistan, including the issue of J&K.Pakistan advocated using Chenab river as the border.Syed Salahuddin,the head of the jihadist UJC and Sardar Sikander Hayat Khan,POK Premier are on record having said that ‘Kashmiri jihadists were in reality fighting for Pakistan to enable it to gain control of Kashmir’s water resources’.
In Sept.-Oct.2004 Musharraf floated a plan that was akin to the old Dixon plan. The most striking element in the Musharraf plan was to project Jammu,Kashmir and Ladakh on the Indian side as a set of five, instead of three regions. That would entail dividing Jammu into sub-regions roughly along the Chenab River.
The Dixon\Kathwari\Musharraf\Chenab plan have common objective----dilution of Indian sovereignty over Kashmir valley and Doda district; creation of a sovereign\semi-sovereign Islamic state of ‘Greater Muslim Kashmir’ closely aligned to Pakistan and Muslim arc; putting J&K’s water resources at the disposal of Pakistan.Religious-cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus in Kashmir valley and numerous massacres in Muslim-dominated areas of Jammu province to force a demographic change have been part of the conspiracy to implement Dixon plan.
Instead of countering Dixon plan, the mainstream regional parties have been pursuing negative politics. Be it the ‘Autonomy’ demand of National Conference or ‘Self-rule’ formula of PDP ,the essence is same----dilution of Indian sovereignty over Kashmir and weakening Kashmir’s constitutional relationship with India. Both the parties have been making attempts to break Jammu’s cohesive plural identity and reinforce the communal faultlines within the Jammu reign. Proposals by RAC, a committee sponsored by NC, to create Chenab and Pir Panjal regions in Jammu province are the consequence of this mindset.
The nationalistic forces in J&K have raised a powerful demand for political re-organisation of the state to put an end to the existing political and economic inequities and reverse religious-cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus. Perverted minds have been trying to project the political re-organisation and the Dixon plan as synonymous. The aim is to negate the patriotic demand.
The Dixon Plan calls for dilution of Indian sovereignty over Kashmir, while trifurcation\quadrification demands raised by the nationalistic groups demand greater Indian sovereignty and closer constitutional links with India. The Dixon Plan makes religion as the basis for division of the state, the trifurcation demand opposes religious basis for reorganization. Panun Kashmir does not demand a ‘Hindu Homeland’. It is the demand of a community which has been thrown out through a process of religious-cleansing.Panun Kashmir advocates creation of a dispensation in Kashmir valley ,where there is full flow of Indian constitution and where all Kashmiris irrespective of caste\religion can live without the fetters of retrograde\discriminatory Article 370.How can this demand be termed communal?
It is time India’s strategic community realises the immense potentiality of the nationalistic demand for political re-organisation of J&K state to counter the balkanizing Dixon Plan. Time has also come for the Indian political leadership to exorcise the ghosts of Dixon. END
THOSE WHO LEFT US
Kashmir Sentinel and Panun Kashmir Foundation mourn the sad demise and pray for peace to the departed souls
1. Smt. Reeta Ji D/o Sh. Dwarika Nath Pandita originally resident of Batpora Shopian Kmr; presently residing at H.No: 5, General Lane, Saraswati Vihar Bohri, Jammu. 1/4/2007
2. Sh. Radha Krishen Saproo S/o Late Sh. Sarwanand Saproo, R/o Village Pehroo (Gotem Nag) Anantnag Kmr; presently at Vinayak Nagar Muthi, Jammu. 1/4/2007
3. Sh Prem Nath Tickoo S/o Late Sh. Hari Ram Tickoo originally resident of Bomai Sopore, Kmr; presently residing at 28-Exchange Road Mohalla Ahata Jammu. 1/4/2007
4. Smt. Lakshmishori Kakroo wife of Late Sh. DN Kakroo, resident of H.No: 421, Lane No: 4, Adarsh Nagar, Barnai Road, Bantalab, Jammu originally resident of Ganpatyar Sgr. 2/4/2007
5. Sh. Shyam Sunder Handoo originally resident of Ganpatyar Sgr; presently residing at H.No: 868-B-2 Bitna Colony Pinjore Haryana. 2/4/2007
6. Smt. Soomawati Koul W/o of Late Sh NN Koul resident of 54-Bagwati Nagar, Canal Road, Jammu. 3/4/2007
7. Smt. Veena Mattoo W/o Sh. Manohar Lal Mattoo resident of Kralyar Rainawari Sgr; presently residing at 3174 (GF) Ramesh Nagar, New Delhi. 3/4/2007
8. Sh. Avtar Krishen Gurtoo S/o Pt. Sham Lal Gurtoo originally resident of Rehbab Sahib Alikadal Sgr; presently resident of H.No: 3, Lane-5, Sector-2, Sharika Vihar, Lower Roop Nagar, Jammu. 4/4/2007
9. Sh. Vesh Natto resident of Rainawari Sgr; presently residing at Qtr. No: 237, Indra Nagar Nagrota Camp Jammu. 4/4/2007
12. Sh. L.K. Wali S/o of Late Sh. Gopi Nath Wali resident of H.No: 175, Lane No: 7, Shakti Nagar, Jammu. 5/4/2007
13. Smt. Dhanwati W/o Sh. Nand Lal Koul oiginally resident of Village Sonium presently residing at Durga Nagar, Sector-1, Lane II Jammu. 5/4/2007
14. Smt. Kanta Zutshi W/o Sh. Som Nath Zutshi resident of Bagadachi Kralyar Rainawari, Sgr; presently residing at H.No: 417 Sector-21 Panchkulla Harya. 5/4/2007
15. Smt. Lalita (Shanta) Raina wife of Sh. Chaman Lal Raina originally resident of Sheshyar Habbakadal Sgr; presently at H.No: 22, Lane-1, Shakti Nagar, Jamu. 6/4/2007
16. Sh. Triloki Nath Peer S/o Late Nilkanth Peer resident of Narparistan Sgr; presently at H.No: 1 Lane 5, Bhavani Nagar Gole Pully Talab Tillo. 6/4/2007
17. Smt. Somawati W/o of Late Sh. Mehswar Nath Koul originally resident of Shali Ghat Kralkhud Sgr; presently at 47-Vidhata Nagar Lane-4, Bathindi Road Narwal Bala Jammu. 7/4/2007
18. Smt. Rajdulari Parimoo (Dulla) wife of Late Sh. Lassa Koul Parimoo R/o Shalla Kadal Habbakadal Sgr. 7/4/2007
19. Smt. Leelawati Koul W/o Late Mukund Koul of Devsar Tral Kmr; presently at Qtr. No: 337, ORT Muthi Phase-1 Jammu 8/4/2007
20. Smt. Shanta Dhar wife of Late Sh. Soom Nath Dhar originally resident of Purshyar Habbakadal Sgr; presently at H.No: 77, Shastri Nagar, Jamu. 8/4/07
21. Dr. Prem Nath Shair resident of Prem Nagar-96 Durga Nagar Sector-2, Jammu originally resident of Dadi Kadal Tankipora Sgr. 9/4/2007
22. Smt. Lalita Bradu wife of Dr. BL Bradu resident of Bradu Niwas 301-A Gandhi Nagar, Jammu 9/4/2007
23. Sh. Rattan Lal Ganjoo (Raina) son of Late Sh. Gound Joo Gajoo resident of Satya Ganjoo C-1804 Krishna Residency Opp. Sunder Nagar, Malad Mumbai (W)-64. 9/4/2007
24. Smt. Radhika Raina wife of Late Sh. Bhagwan Dass Raina (Prop. Standard Hotel) resident of 119-A/D Gandhi Nagar, Jammu. 10/4/2007
25. Smt. Kamla Koul wife of Late Sh. Janki Nath Kaul (waffa) of Rainawari Sgr; presently at HMT Colony Pinjore Haryan. 10/4/2007
26. Sh. Prem Nath Raina S/o Late Sh. Sansarchand Raina originally resident of Gosh Bagh Baramulla Kmr; presently at Roop Nagar Digiana Jamu. 10/4/2007
27. Smt. Usha Shangloo wife of Sh. PN Shangloo resident of 51-Karan Nagar-Ved Mandir Road Jamu. 11/4/2007
28. Sh. Triloki Nath Koul S/o Late Govind Koul resident of Delenia Baramulla Kmr; presently at Sari Rakhwelan Near Marbel Factory Gohomnasa Road Jammu. 11/4/2007
29. Sh. Maharaj Krishen Dhar son of Late Sh. Vidh Lal Dhar presently at H.No: 240, Friends Colony Sector Subash Nagar, near Kali Mandir. 12/4/2007
30. Sh. Dina Nath Sharma resident of Devsar Tral; presently at H.No: 687-Lane-3 Vinayak Nagar Muthi, Jammu. 12/4/2007
31. Smt. Arundati Pandita wife of Sh. Niranjan Nath Pandita, R/o village Tral Kmr; presently at Lal Kothi, Sector-2, Anuradha Puram Upper Barnai Jammu. 12/4/2007
32. Smt. Dhanwati Dhar wife of Late Sh. Maheshwar Nath Dhar of Vicharnag Sgr; presently at H.No: 191-B/89 JMC Lane-1 New Plots Jammu. 13/4/2007
33. Sh. Moti Lal Bakay S/o Late Sh. Balbadhar Bakay originally resident of Zaindar Mohalla Sgr; presently at 279-Patoli Mangotrian Patoli Chowk Jammu.14/4/2007
34. Mrs. Anita Saraf/Ruby Koul wife of Mr. Arvind Saraf originally resident of Bagh Jogi Lankar Rainawari Sgr; presently at H.No: 40-A. Shiva Enclave Kashmiri Colony Hirender Delhi. 14/4/2007
35. Smt. Kamla Koul wife of Late Sh. Balbadar Koul of Malmoh Magam Kmr; presently at H.No: 4 Lane No: 7, Anand Nagar Bohri Jammu. 15/4/2007
36. Smt. Lakshmi Shori Bhat wife of Late Sh Gopi Nath Bhat of Hawal Pulwama Kmr; presently at 22-A Block-D Ext. Sawarn Vihar Police Colony, Jammu. 16/4/2007.
37. Sh. Bansi Lal Ghasi S/o Balak Ram Ghasi originally resident of Tankipora Dadi Kadal Sgr, Kmr; presently at L-61, Street-21, New Mahavir Nagar New Delhi. 16/4/2006
38. Sh. Piyare Krishen Tiku S/o Late Sh. Sarvanand Tiku resident of Vivek Nagar, Near Mes Filter Plant, Railway Road Udhampur. 17/4/2007
39. Sh. Prithivi Nath Durani originally resident of Kralyar Rainawari Sgr, Kmr; presently at N-39, New Palam Vihar Phase-1, Bajghera Road, Gurgaon (Haryana). 17/4/2007
40. Sh. NN Satu S/o Late Sh. Krishen Joo Sathu R/o 407, Ambphalla Jammu. 18/4/2007
41. Sh. Roshan Lal Miya S/o Late Sh. Narayan Joo Miya originally resident of Kocha Nidan Rainawari Sgr, Kmr; presently at Flat No: 45, A, Sector-1, Noida. 18/4/2007
42. Sh. Hirday Nath Peer S/o Sh. Ragho Ram Peer originally resident of Vechar Nagar, Sgr, Kmr; presently at H.No: 60, Subash Nagar, Jammu. 18/2007
43. Sh. Vijay Lakshmi W/o Late Sh. Pushkar Nath Mattoo of Sangrampura Sopore, Kmr; presently at Plot No: 12, Nund Bab Colony Lala-Da-Bagh Jamu. 18/4/2007
44. Smt. Shobawati Kaw wife of Late Sh. Janki Nath Kaw originally resident of Kralyar Rainawari, Sgr, Kmr; presently at H.No: 48, Lane-4, Adarsh Nagar Burnai Road, Bantalab Tillo, Jammu. 20/4/2007
45. Smt. Somawati Tiku wife of Sh. Som Nath Tiku originally resident of Bul Bul Lankar Ali Kadal Sgr; presently at residing at Julakha Mohalla Jammu. 20/4/2007
46. Smt. Krishna Ji Thusu wife of Sh. Jai Krishen Thusu originally resident of Tankipora Dadi Kadal Sgr; Kmr; presently at Laxmipuram Chinore Jamu. 21/4/2007
47. Sh. Keshov Nath Pandita S/o Late Sh. Radha Krishen Pandita (Nai Nawaz) originally resident of Bana Mohalla Sgr, Kmr; presently at H.No: 396, Sec-3 Gangyal Garden Jammu. 21/4/2007
48. Sh. Mohan Lal Pandita S/o Late Sh. Dina Nath Pandit originally resident of Kralyar Rainawari Sgr, Kmr; presently residing at Gawalior (MP). 21/4/2007
49. Sh. Bhushan Lal Raina Husband Smt. Khema Ji D/o Late Pt. Maheshwar Nath Koul presently at Qtr. No: 160, Phase-I Camp Purkhoo Jamu. 21/4/007
50. Sh. Janki Nath Bhan S/o Late Sh. Kanth Joo Bhan, R/o E-6, Milap Nagar, Uttam Nagar New Delhi originally resident of Bhana Mohalla Sgr, Kmr. 21/4/2007 END
Banaras Hindu University
It was fantastic to read Social History Page 'Banaras Hindu University and the Kashmiri Pandits', in May 2007 issue of Kashmir Sentinel, by Mr G.K Gurutu.
He has done a lot of homework and he is right that Sh. Shivnandan Lal Dhar was Registrar, Pt. Iqbal Narain Gurutu was the pro-Vice Chancellor of BHU in 1941-42.
My father Late (Prof.) Jagan Nath Kaul (ount) did his M.A. in English in that era and he joined S.P. College as a Lecturer in 1943.
I also remember, as my father has told me, that Late Dr. Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, the great Scholar-Philosopher, ex-President of the Republic of India, was the Vice-Chancellor in 1941-1942 of B.H.U. In that era Dr. Janki Nath Hakim did his Ayurvedic medicine from B.H.U. and brought Ayurveda to J&K State.
Kashmiri Pandits and Banaras Hindu Univesity had a special bond in education. It has produced great luminaries among KPs, so obviously we are all proud of them.
My special thanks to Mr. G.K. Gurutu.
--Dr. Sunil Kaul
New Delhi end
After reading Sh. G.K. Gurtu's well-researched article on contribution of Kashmiri Pandits to Banaras Hindu University every Kashmiri Pandit would feel proud. However, Sh. Gurtu has not mentioned anything about the Kashmiri Pandit alumni of Institute of Medical Sciences, an affiliate of BHU. It would be of interest to your readers that two senior medical consultants did their super-specialisation from this Institute after 1990. Dr. Suresh Saraf, a native of Rainawari (Srinagar) is a leading Urologist at Jammu, while Dr. Satish Pandit, a native of Kulgam (Anantnag) is a noted Paediatric Surgeon at Panipat.
PK expresses strong concern over non-allotment of Qtrs. at Muthi
The metaphor 'From frying
pan into the fire' so aptly
describes the life of the Pandit refugees in the Camp Muthi II. These refugees were lucky to escape from the targeted violence of terrorists in Kashmir but they are dying by inches in the hell that has come to be called Muthi Phase-II Camp.
This camp was started in 1991-92 when the state administration constructed 500 rooms (11X12 ft) with dome shaped roofs to house Pandit refugees. 492 families were allotted 492 rooms, one room to each family, irrespective of the size of the family. This single room served as guest room, study room, bedroom, kitchen etc. for that family. Even at the time of construction the experts engaged by the state administration had warned to the government that the life of these rooms would be at the maximum 7 years.
Hardly a year or two after the construction, the domes started leaking during the rains, putting the refugees to great mental turmoil and hardship. When this was brought to the notice of the concerned authorities, one expert opinion suggested chemical treatment of the dome roofs.
This too was not considered feasible. Finally, it was decided to lay a layer of coal-tar on the dome roofs. The horrible heat generated in the rooms by the coal-tar covered roof converted these rooms into infernos, affecting the physical and mental health of the refugees. If earlier the refugees had to carry their belongings from getting spoiled by the leaking downpour now they had to save themselves from getting heat strokes. It was great torture for the aged refugees.
Whenever the refugees brought their tales of woe to the state authorities the attitude of the latter was not only one of indifference but it bordered on outright callousness. The hygienic conditions made camp inmates vulnerable to diaorrhoeas and various diseases. 30 families shared one latrine.
The visit of hon'ble Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh to refugee camps came as a whiff of fresh air to camp inmates. Prime Minister announced that two room sets would be constructed in place of existing slums. He also ordered that the construction be carried out in the shortest possible time. After these orders construction was started for 385 qtrs, 128 in Phase-II Camp while the rest were to be built near Buta Nagar, in Roop Nagar area.
Due to slow pace of construction Hon'ble Governor and Hon'ble CM intervened to expedite the construction. The Chief Minister Sh Ghulam Nabi Azad even ordered double shift work to execute the construction. 128 sets in Phase-II Camp are complete in all respects, except for the finishing touches. Now when it comes to the handing over of the new qtrs. to the refugees the state administration has started ditheuing over the allotment of these qtrs. The refugees are sore over the attitude of the government and say that the same forces which were responsible for their religious-cleansing and for continuation of policy of genocidal attrition are behind the non-allotment of qtrs. They alleged that certain bureaucratic and political agencies were not able to reconcile to the fact that after ethnic cleansing the Pandit refugees should be allowed to shift from slums to somewhat better habitation.
The state authorities have been milking the Centre for funds in the name of Pandit rehabilitation and subsequently denying the Pandits the benefit of this. The Mufti government claimed that hundreds of Kashmiri Pandit families were willing to return to the Valley and forced the Central government to release funds to build qtrs. at Sheikhpora, Mattan and Tulmulla in Kashmir. When the qtrs. were ready, the same government told the Centre that no Kashmiri Pandit family was willing to return to Kashmir. This kicked up a controversy on how Mufti regime was hoodwinking the Centre on the issue of return of Kashmiri Pandits and the release of rehabilitation funds. Now when the two room sets are ready for refugees in Muthi Phase-II and Purkhoo, the state government says that Pandit refugees would be housed at Jagti, 18 kms from Jammu city.
The state administration's attitude on providing reasonable housing to Pandit refugees (for which the Central government has every time provided funds generously) and on other allied issues-HRA/CCA even after the grant of relief by the hon'ble High Court reflects a prejudical mindset where the state administration continues to torpedo the relief. The dramas enacted on the issue of providing employment to the displaced Pandit youth is yet another instance of apartheid.
The refugees living in the Muthi Camp II called on Panun Kashmir Chairman Dr. Ajay Chrungoo to intervene on their behalf.
Panun Kashmir made an on the spot survey of the prevailing conditions in the camp. It found that many of the dome shaped rooms were in very bad condition and could collapse with first downpour of monsoons. Panun Kashmir team led by Sh. Kuldeep Raina, General Secretary had an interactive session with 500 refugees living in the camp.
Subsequently Panun Kashmir and the representatives of the Camp Muthi Phase-II headed by Sh Pyare Lal Raina addressed joint press conference on May 29, 2007. They demanded that the new qtrs. should be immediately allotted to the refugees living in the camp and representatives of Muthi Camp II should be actively involved in the allotment of Qtrs.
They also demanded the immediate intervention of the state Governor and CM and said that in view of the forthcoming monsoons and the bad conditions of the dome shaped rooms, the government bears the entire responsibility in case the Pandit refugees are put to any trouble in the camp. end
Peace-Process— Ideological Moorings Dr. M.K. Teng
The Muslim separatist
movement in Jammu and
Kashmir in various forms it assumed from time to time, during the last five decades of the Indian freedom, has espoused the claim of the Muslim community to reconstitute the State into an Islamic polity. Kashmir dispute has its roots in the struggle of the Muslims of India an Islamic state, which enshrined a separate freedom for them, on the basis of religion.
The Muslims in the British India and the Indian Princely States refused to accept that they formed a part of the Indian nation. They insisted upon their claim to a separate nation. The separate homeland of Pakistan was conceived by its founding fathers as an Islamic state, which would enable the Muslims in India to realise their Islamic destiny.
The incessant efforts of the Indian political class, unable to break away from its liberal-reformist moorings, and still in search of the means to legitimise its rootlessness have caused much harm to the process of political development in India as well as impeded the integration of the Muslims in the political culture of India. The Muslim League which spearheaded the Muslim movement for Pakistan in the British India and the All India States Muslim League, which led the Muslim movement for Pakistan in the Indian princely States visualised expression of the consolidation of the Muslim power in India. The Muslim people of India formed part of the Muslim Ummah, and an expression of its unity. Muslim commitment to the unity of the Muslim Ummah was a negation of the national power of the Indian people. Muslims did not recognise any national power, which did not form a subsidiary part of the Muslim Ummah.
The Muslims in India supported the struggle for Pakistan unequivocally and rejected the ideological commitment of the Indian people to the national identity of a United India, the Indian struggle for freedom underlined. The partition of India was not foisted on the Indian people by British, as the Indian political class continues to claim, even half a century after India was freed from the British colonial hold. The partition was wrought by the Muslims. The civil war and wanton violence, which the Direct Action campaign the Muslim League launched in August 1946, broke up the national consensus on the unity of India, that permeated the outlook of the Indian National Congress. Gandhi had not prepared the Indian people to face a civil war. His prescription of passive resistance, left the field open for the Muslim League to break up India.
The Muslim League leaders and the leaders of the States Muslim League, which coordinated the Muslim struggle for Pakistan in the princely states, committed themselves to the realisation of an Islamic State of Pakistan. Mohammad Ali Jinnah made no mistake about the ultimate objective of the struggle for Pakistan.
The Muslim League leaders made no mistake about the separate freedom they sought for the Muslim nation of India. The Muslim ‘nation’ of India, they averred was the continuation of the history of the Muslim power in India, which formed a part of the history of the Muslim Ummah. The Muslims in India, the Muslims League leaders claimed, were not a part of the Indian nation, which spread over the civilisational frontiers of India. The Muslims in India were a separate ethnic identity of which the history, social culture, political outlook and religion, drew their content from Islam and its history in India. The gospel of redemption, which formed the basis of all Semitic religious ideologies, did not admit of coexistence of religions. The expression Jinnah gave to his outlook about the commitment of Pakistan to enable all people of Pakistan to live in freedom, irrespective of their faith, in his inaugural address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, did not reflect his intention to repudiate the Muslim commitment to an Islamic state. Indeed, the Muslims believed as they do believe now, that the Islamic order of society does not conflict with the freedom of all people, irrespective of their faith. For Jinnah the Muslim state was not a theocracy. For him the Muslim state of Pakistan was the expression of the Muslim political power in India. The very concept of Pakistan, which Jinnah was instrumental in forging underlined the recognition of the geographical boundaries of the Muslim India as well as the continuity of its history. His claims to the Muslim majority provinces of the British India and the Muslim majority princely States as well as the Muslim ruled princely states for Pakistan, was based upon his acceptance of the continuity of the history of the Muslim Ummah in India. Jinnah, accompanied by Liaquat Ali Khan, met Mountbatten after the partition plan was given final shape. Mountbatten told Jinnah that partition had given the Muslims, a broken country far smaller than they had claimed. Jinnah looked straight at the Viceroy and then told him in resigned words that they would have accepted desert of Thar, if that was what their were given as their homeland.
From 1947 to 1953, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah insisted upon the exclusion of Jammu and Kashmir from the guarantees for rights of freedom, the Constitution of India envisaged and claimed the right of the Muslims to redefine the rights and freedom of the people of the State. He stated with the enthusiasm of a religious preacher that the theological imperatives of Islam provided adequate guarantees for the protection of the rights and freedom of non-Muslim population of the State The exclusion of the State from the constitutional organisation of India by Article 370, was based upon his insistence on a separate structure of rights which satisfied the aspirations of the Muslims. In fact, in the meetings of the National Conference leaders led by him with the Indian leaders and the members of the Negotiating Committee of the Constituent Assembly of India, he claimed a separate freedom which the Muslims would demarcate for the people of the State on the basis of the Muslim majority character of its population. It is not fairly well known that when Nehru refused to deny the rights and freedom to the people of Jammu and Kashmir embodied by the Constitution of India, which he cried in pain, had been evolved by the Constituent Assembly with pride, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah threatened to resign from the membership of the Constituent Assembly. The crisis which broke up the first Interim Government in the State in 1953, grew out of the conflict between the Muslimisation of the State and the rights and aspirations of the Hindus and the other minorities, the Buddhists and the Sikhs in the State. Forty-three years later, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, a former Pradesh Congress President, besides being a former Home Minister of India and a former Chief Minister of the State, pleaded for “one country, two systems” in the first Round Table Conference on Kashmir held by the Indian Government in 2006. The Muslims of the State, followed the same ideological commitments-a separate freedom for Jammu and Kashmir, organised on the basis of one country, two systems, pattern in India. The Indian Prime Minister has, of course, very apologetically expressed the inability of the Indian Government to accept
any change in the existing borders of the State and yet agreed to carry the peace-process forward. Would that lead to the conclusion that the Government of India is ready to recognise the right of the Muslims of the State to a separate freedom by political arrangements such as the “one country, two systems” envisages or the exclusion of State from the Indian political organisation underlines or the modifications in the existing provisions of Article 370, proposed by the Congress Party, embody. It is a moot point how the Government of India would adjust the demand for demilitarisation, and joint management that Pakistan has been pressing for and pro-Pakistan political flanks like the Hurriyat-Conference are insisting upon, to the re-location of power denominations in order to ensure the Muslims a separate freedom on the territories of India. The peace process has reached a state, where the Government of India has to decide whether it accepts the exclusion of Jammu and Kashmir State from the secular political organisation of India and Jehad as a component of the peace-settlement with Pakistan and recognises the precedence of religion and the Muslims in the state and society of Jammu and Kashmir. It has also to decide whether it has the mandate from the Indian people to accept Jehad, as the legitimate right of the Muslims in Kashmir, to foster political change. So far, the terrorist groups, waging Jehad in the State, have not shown any inclination to accept a settlement with India, which does not underline the integration of the Muslims of Jammu and Kashmir, with the struggle of the Muslims Ummah for its ascendence into a world power of polar strength, Pakistan envisions. end