Egyptological Tempeltagung Warsaw University of Chicago September 22-25, 2008


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Hratch Papazian 8th Egyptological Tempeltagung – Warsaw

University of Chicago September 22-25, 2008

Hratch Papazian

University of Chicago

The Temple of Ptah and Economic Contacts Between Memphite Cult Centers in The Old Kingdom
The temple of Ptah is referenced in several Old Kingdom textual sources in relation to economic activity in the Memphite area. This temple, along with other cult centers in and around Memphis, formed links in the chain of a vast supply network that sustained the multiple royal and non-royal cultic components of the necropolis. This paper will analyze aspects of the role of the temple of Ptah within the greater scheme of economic exchanges between various institutions, with the aim of determining the nature of the economic responsibilities assumed by the temple. In addition, this study will seek to verify both the extent of its operations within the prevalent administrative system, as well as the specific cult centers with which it transacted. The conclusions are of primordial interest for studying issues relating to economic organization during the Old Kingdom as a whole and can be used to establish the degree of involvement of various divine temples in the state’s economic apparatus.
Hana Vymazalová

Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University in Prague

The Abusir papyrus archives and the Fifth Dynasty royal funerary cults

The papyrus archives from the funerary temples of the Fifth Dynasty kings in Abusir provide a unique opportunity to study the workings of cults maintained in these monuments, and their relation and position in the economy of the Egyptian state of the Old Kingdom. The present paper will show concrete examples of the economic connections that existed between the funerary temples of the kings Neferirkare and Raneferef, and the different institutions of the state economy, such as the royal palace, divine temples, etc. The remains of the two archives also allow us to compare slight differences between the well-established economic background and network of the cult of Neferirkare, and the less complex workings of the funerary temple of the short-reigning Raneferef.
Rolf Gundlach

Institut für Ägyptologie und Altorientalistik, Universität Mainz

Die Chapelle Blanche und das Tempelbauprogramm Sesostris’ I. in Theben
Die Errichtung des Horus-Tempels in Heliopolis im Jahr 3 Sesostris’ I. und der Chapelle Blanche in Theben um die Jahre 30 und 31 seiner Regierungszeit markieren den Beginn und im Wesentlichen das Ende der Bautätigkeit dieses Königs, soweit sie seinem Selbstverständnis und dem Ausbau seiner Königsideologie Ausdruck geben. Während in der Frühzeit seiner Herrschaft deren Sicherung im Vordergrund der Politik stand, konnte Sesostris I. die Chapelle Blanche innerhalb gesicherter staatlicher Verhältnis konzipieren lassen. Es ging schließlich um die Durchführung des Sedfestes des Königs, mit dem seinem Königtum die rituell nötige Erneuerung zuteil wurde. Sesostris I. schloss parallel zu seinen Arbeiten im memphitischen Raum mit der Chapelle Blanche sein thebanisches Tempelbauprogramm ab. Dieses war gekennzeichnet von der Anknüpfung an die Kultpolitik Mentuhotep II. und von deren Weiterführung. Die wichtigste Kultverbindung bestand zwischen dem Amun-Tempel auf der Ostseite und dem Totentempel Mentuhoteps II. auf der Westseite. Dem diente der Neubau des Amun-Tempels einerseits und die Aufrechterhaltung des „Ruderns für Amun“, dem Vorläufer des Talfestes, andererseits. Auch bezüglich des Kultortes Medinet Habu müssen wir mit einer der Tradition verpflichteten Haltung des Königs rechnen. Der zentralen kultischen Rolle Thebens im Rahmen des Staates Sesostris I., wie sie Eileen Hirsch in ihrer Dissertation „Kultpolitik und Tempelbauprogramme der 12. Dynastie“ (Achet A 3, 2004) folgert, entspricht das differenzierte System des Rituals in der Chapelle Blanche aus Anlaß des Sedfestes (s. Christine Strauß-Seeber, Bildprogramm und Funktion der Weißen Kapelle in Karnak, in: HÄB 37, 1994). Über die Kultdarstellungen dieses Tempels hinaus lassen sich aus den begleitenden Texten die ideologischen Elemente der königlichen Thronbesteigung in ihrer Systematik erfassen. Auf diese „Königswerdung“, die im Rahmen des Sedfestes (als Gipfelpunkt des thebanischen Kultprogramms) wiederholt wurde, wird in dem Vortrag besonders eingegangen.

Ingrid Blom-Böer

The Temple Complex of Amenemhet III in Hawara: The Labyrinth, its Role und Interconnections in the Fayum

Nobody maintains himself so firmly in the Fayum as Amenemhat III does. Temples built by this king in this area are in Medinet el-Fayyum, Biahmu and Medinet Madi. All part of the so-called “Fayum-project”. What about their connections? What can be said about geographical and religious relations between these temples?

In the course of this story the temple complex of Amenemhet III in Hawara usually hardly is being mentioned. It is regarded as a legendary building and any attempt to refute this idea or to dismiss this widely held belief is met with scepticism. Since an adequate historical context is missing, many different interpretations have been suggested and it is difficult to categorise the temple complex.

The accounts of the different classical authors concerning the temple complex of Amenemhat III south of his pyramid in Hawara, which they referred to as the „Labyrinth”, do in no way correspond to the few architectural remains that are still visible in the area today. Nevertheless almost all modern scholars and egyptologists refer to the descriptions of the classical writers, above all Herodotus (5th century B.C.) and Strabo (1st century B.C.), when dealing with the temple complex of Amenemhat III.

Since in Hawara no intact architecture has been left, the key to understanding the temple complex of Amenemhat III lies in the study of the high-quality architectural and inventory fragments. The total of 215 pieces, that have been systematically categorised in a catalogue, are the tangible remains of the complex. They convey the image of an impressive temple, not a gigantic building as proposed by many classical writers. Similar conclusions have been reached by modern scientists who have based their work on these writings. The temple was made of limestone and granite and mainly contained small objects made of different materials. Arnold’s suggestion, that the temple complex of Amenemhat III in Hawara was a „Mansion of Millions of Years” can only partly be accepted. The fragments suggest that it probably served as a „Mansion of Millions of Years” as well as a mortuary temple.

The opportunity is being taken to introduce this temple more thoroughly and to have a look at its connections towards other temples within the Fayum.
Zbigniew E. Szafrański

The Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology in Cairo

Decoding the Message of King Hatshepsut

The Complex of the Sun Cult in the Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari

Reading the message that Queen Hatshepsut had recorded on the walls of the building erected in the Third Terrace became the most important task of the Polish-Egyptian Archaeological and Conservation Mission. The stupendous work of documenting the remains of the Upper Terrace and the thousands of blocks lying in the stores was accomplished by the mission.

The decoration of the temple had changed during its existence. After ruling for almost 22 years, Queen/King Hatshepsut disappeared from the pages of history. Another 20 years later, her successor Tuthmosis III had her names and many of here representations erased from the walls of the building. At the order of Akhenaten, the names and images of Amun were destroyed. The following rulers, especially Horemheb and Ramesses II, reconstructed the earlier images and hieroglyphs, restoring Amun to the throne.

The Upper Terrace of the temple was the most important element of the entire building. Here Hatshepsut incorporated the most important information concerning the role that the temple was intended to play in the religious life of Egypt, information about the times of her reign and even about her bold plans for the future. Fragments of this huge jigsaw puzzle of stone blocks were put back together into scenes, permitting scholars to decipher many of the Queen’s messages.

In the vestibule of the Solar Cult Complex, three out of four walls were reconstructed to their full height. This vestibule was dedicated to the sun’s journey across the night sky. Hatshepsut is shown here as a priestess of the Sun God, versed in the knowledge of the sun’s transformations during the night hours, as set down in the so-called Theological Treatise, a poem written down on the walls of the vestibule. This room was once roofed and completely dark. From here an entrance led to the sun-flooded courtyard with a stone sun altar in the center. The undecorated walls of the courtyard concentrated sunlight, creating a mood for worshiping the day sun that restorers were able to restore by using white limestone.

The so-called Upper Chapel of Anubis, partly rock-cut, was entered from a door in the north wall of the courtyard. The decoration of this chapel is a artistic masterpiece of the age. The chapel was yet another place of Hatshepsut’s cult. Very subtly, King Hatshepsut identified himself (herself) here with Imy-wt, one of the aspects of the god Anubis.

Mirosław Barwik

Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University

Sanctuary of the Hatshepsut Temple at Deir el-Bahari
The paper presents a reconstruction of the original sanctuary of the Hatshepsut temple. The old sanctuary was dismantled to give way to a new one built in the Ptolemaic period. Some older blocks were reused in this building project and their discovery has provided the grounds for the present reconstruction. The author links the so-called “Ebony shrine” found by E. Naville a century ago with this part of the temple.
Olga Białostocka

Research Centre for Mediterranean Archaeology

Polish Academy of Sciences

Hatshepsut’s regeneration in the Royal Cult Complex of her Temple at Deir el-Bahari

Elements of rituals aiming at the renewal of divine kingship have been identified in the decoration of the Royal Cult Complex in Hatshepsut Temple at Deir el-Bahari. The presence of such references seems to precise the meaning of the scenes covering the walls of the open court and the vestibules, preceding the cult chapels of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis I.

Hatshepsut sitting in the double sd-festival pavilion, the ‘appearance’ of the king on the throne of Horus, coronation by Horus and Seth in the presence of Wadjet and Nekhbet, all these representations together with the scenes of processions of the gods, seasons and nome personifications seem to confirm the divine character of the king worshipped in the cult chapel. The aspect of renewal present in the decoration of the Royal Cult Complex emphasizes the nHH and Dt of Hatshepsut’s reign, not only during her lifetime on earth, but also after her departure to the realm of the gods.

Moreover, the iconography of the Royal Cult Complex in the Temple of Hatshepsut gives additional data to the study of the origin of this part of the New Kingdom Mansions of Millions of Years.

Dawid F. Wieczorek

Building dipinti in the Temple of Hastshepsut at Deir el-Bahari

Preliminary observation, 2006-2008
So-called Masons’ marks or Baugraffiti, named by me Building dipinti, have repeatedly occured since the beginning of Polish archaeological and conservation works at Deir el-Bahari in the area of the two temples of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III. Inscriptional material from the area of the Tuthmosis III’s temple was preliminary published by Jadwiga Lipińska, whereas the material from the temple of Hatshepsut was never discussed at length and only a few mentions in literature were published. In the excavation season 2005/2006 a new procesus of documentation and studies began – the building dipinti mentioned above are in fact considerably attested on the whole area of the Hatshepsut’s temple, but were never documented and published before.

The work has began with a chance discovery of quite a large corpus of building dipinti, depicted on the blocks of the Outer Face of Southern Wall of the Funerary Chapel of Hatshepsut, in the Sondage S.1/06, located right behind the temple’s wall. On the face of the wall, 29 dipinti were recognized and documented, in addition 41 on loose blocks which were explored from the filling of the sondage and 4 dipinti on the Outer Face of Southern Wall of Funerary Chapel of Hatshepsut.

This year’s excavation season 2007/2008, the work, on dipinti material was extended to the east direction of the southern temple’s wall. It included the Outer Face of Southern Wall of so-called “Room with window” and so-called “Negative of a ramp”, located on the Face of the Southern Retaining Wall of the Middle Terrace of the Hatshepsut’s temple, the ramp which previously led to the Chapel of Hathor. Works in the area of the Upper Terrace yielded next 86 dipinti, whereas on the surface of the “Negative of a ramp” revealed 97. In the same season documentation work on loose blocks, explored from the filling of the Sondage S.1/06, has ended. New 30 dipinti were recognized.

The discovered building-dipinti are mainly hieratic texts with elements of hieroglyphic cursive. They are written in red paint – probably by ochre – with a thin or a large brush. Their dimensions fluctuate from c10 x 15 cm to c20 x 30 cm. Until now we can distinguish at least VII kinds of building-dipinti from the Hatshepsut’s temple. These texts mention mostly daily-dates, which clearly form sequences – they are presumably connected with supervision and control system over the construction works. Apart from the dates, there is a considerable number of signs that seem to be connected with a preparation and processing of stone building material. Besides the texts, a lot of information is provided by an archaeological context itself. The presence of loose blocks makes it possible to have a closer look on each block separately and to determine the location of the dipinti attested on one of its sides. Last but not least, the blocks preserved in situ in the walls let us recognize a sequence of the dates and give us relative chronology of all the known dipinti.

Andrzej Ćwiek

Adam Mickiewicz University

Poznań Archaeological Museum
Between Karnak and Deir el-Bahari. Hatshepsut’s causeway
The causeway of the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari is a unique structure, not least because it is the first extant example of a processional route leading to a Mansion of Millions of Years. Although based in the Old and Middle Kingdom tradition, it presented, however, new and original features. Joining the valley temple with the upper enclosure, with the midway bark station and rows of sphinxes flanking its sides, the causeway constituted an important part of the complex. The orientation of the axis of the terraced temple towards the Eighth Pylon (parallel to the main east-west Karnak axis connected with the winter solstice), stressed the importance of Karnak as the basic reference point for the Deir el-Bahari architecture and ideology. The direct parallel for the Deir el-Bahari causeway should be seen in the route linking Karnak and Luxor, likewise created by Hatshepsut. A similar purpose, i.e. serving a bark procession (during the Beautiful Feast of the Valley, and during the Opet Feast, respectively) influenced the form and arrangement of both structures. The architecture and decoration of the bark station (kiosk) may reveal much about the ideology and chronology of the complex. A special feature, occurring at Deir el-Bahari for the first time and in some details, unparalleled ever after, was an alley of the sandstone sphinxes. Thanks to the access to Winlock’s archives in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, followed subsequently by studies of the Polish-Egyptian mission, it becomes now possible to present some new evidence on the kiosk and the re-discovered sphinxes.
Janina Wiercińska

National Museum in Warsaw

The enlargement of the bark of Amon in the light of recent studies on the temple of Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahari

In recent years the problem of the change in dimensions of the bark of Amon and the date of its enlargement has been a matter of frequent discussions. Nearly all reliefs with sacred barks are post-Amarna restorations, therefore they cannot be of any assistance in finding solution to this problem. The enlargement of the divine bark is doubtlessly connected to the widening of entrances to chambers and kiosks that hosted barks or were visited by processions with barks. I have already written about the widening of the entrance to the bark room in the Djeser-akhet temple (in Etudes et Travaux XVI, 1992). Jambs of the granite portal in the entrance to this bark room had once been moved apart: the southern one 0,45 m, the northern one 0,30 m. The original entrance was 1,60 m wide; after the enlargement it was 2,34 m wide. The pink granite portal is one of few elements in situ in the temple. In 1992 the only proof for the widening of the entrance were traces left on the granite threshold – double sockets for door pivots of the double door. Presently the reconstructed decoration of the hypostyle hall provides us with new arguments for widening the entrance to the bark room – not only confirming this fact but also defining precisely its date and the way it was carried out.

Erika Meyer-Dietrich

Die Opetprozession – mehr als nur eine rituelle Verbindung von Karnak mit Luksor

Die Opet-Prozession bildet eines der wichtigsten religiösen Rituale, die ausserhalb des Tempels und somit im öffentlichen Raum stattgefunden haben. Die beste Quelle, das Relief der Opet-Procession in der großen Kolonnade von Luksor stammt aus der Nachamarnazeit. Dieser Bild- und Textzeuge fällt damit in eine Zeit der Restitution ägyptischer religiöser Raumvorstellungen. Das besondere Augenmerk gilt der Erzeugung religiöser und nicht-religiöser Konnotationen des Raumes. Der Inhalt eines bei der Prozession gesungenen Liedes und die akustischen Mittel, die hierbei zur Beschallung des Raumes eingesetzt werden, werden als räumliche Praktiken untersucht.

John Gee

William (Bill) Gay Associate Research Professor of Egyptology

Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship

Brigham Young University

Title Execration Rituals in Various Temples
Two roughly contemporaneous papyrus examples of execration rituals for temples in Karnak and Abydos are known. These can be compared with information from temple walls to construct a picture of the execration ritual in the Ptolemaic period. The similarities and differences between the rituals tell us about how the same ritual varies with local and what features remain constant.
David Warburton

Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée
Shared Temple Rituals
It is a familiar fact that many of the phrases used in the ritual texts for Amun and Mut, preserved in the Berlin Papyri have no relationship with the two gods, and are in fact drawn from the myth of Horus and Seth. In the same fashion, it is a tenet of Egyptology that the actual rituals depicted on the walls of the shrines at Abydos represent a “typical” constellation of rituals, representative of what took place in all New Kingdom temples across the land. This differs from what is typical of other religions, where it was the rituals which distinguished the various cults. To what degree should we speak of “interconnections” and to what degree does this imply a common origin. And how should one understand it in terms of the discourse which Assmann suggests becomes increasingly important during this age. We cannot promise any decisive answers, but we would like to stress the significance of this as a fundamental element in the Egyptian religion.
Filip Coppens

Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University in Prague

Linen, Unguents and Pectorals

Instruments of Regeneration in Ptolemaic and Roman Temples
The presentation of specific types of linen, unguents and pectorals to the statues of the deities is a constant in the inscriptions describing and the decorative pattern depicting the essential rites performed in the complex of wabet and court in temples of Ptolemaic and Roman times. This ensemble of an open court and elevated chapel (wabet) occurs in almost a dozen temples of this period and represents an important stage on the journey of the statues of the gods to renewal and rejuvenation. The recurrence of similar offerings in text and image in these complexes transcends the individual temple of this era and can be observed in ensembles of early Ptolemaic times, such as in the temples of Philae and Edfu, in a late Ptolemaic example (Dendara), and finally in the complexes in the Roman temples of Shanhur and el-Qal’a. The products of linen, unguents and pectorals are presented to the statues as tools or instruments in preparation for their subsequent renewal and rejuvenation through the rite of the “union with the sun disc”.

This typical and recurring decorative scheme the priests designed for the walls of the ensembles is a well thought out programme based on an extensive knowledge of various ritual practices from a wide variety of religious spheres. The occurrence of the same combination of offerings in all these ensembles, but also in the clothing rites in the daily temple ritual, the embalming and the subsequent ritual of the ‘opening of the mouth’, and royal coronation and confirmation rites, is no coincidence. Combined, the three types of offerings are used with the same aim in mind. The offering of linen and pectorals, and the anointment is used to assist the deceased or lifeless – whether human, statue or other object – in its passage from death to new life. The decision by the editors of the decorative scheme of the ensembles to focus precisely on these offerings as the essential rites carried out in the complex was only logical. A similar combination of items had already been successfully tried and tested for millennia in various funerary, temple and royal rituals. The reworked and edited elements from these rituals, combined with new texts and imagery, resulted in the creation of a coherent decorative system that eloquently expressed the themes that played a central role in the function of the complex: renewal, or rather, the transfer from death, or at least a lifeless or deathlike state, to new life.

Aviva Cywié (lecture cancelled)

Research Fellow Fonds National de la Recherche Scientifique

Université Libre de Bruxelles
Le temple gréco-romain de Deir el-Médineh et les rites de Djêmé
The numerous occurrences of the toponym “Djeme” in the Graeco-Roman temple at Deir el-Medina invite us to considerate its connection with the divine ancestors necropolis situated a few hundred meters away down south at Medinet Habu. In spite of the inscribed dedication to Hathor and Maat, the Deir el-Medina temple worships the Theban triad in different ways: the son-god once appears as Khonsu-Shu, a form frequently related to Djeme’s theology. Besides, Amun-Re is presented both as a dead entity and as the living deity which is supposed to perform the funerary ritual in behalf of his ancestor. This theology, which is well attested in the Graeco-Roman Period, is mainly documented by Khonsu’s area in the Karnak precinct and by the veiled image of Amun. The latter is known to be a representation of the statue used for these rites. This specific figure does not appear at Deir el-Medina but some offering scenes engraved on its walls along with the existence of a pier in front of its gate suggest the use of this temple during the processions leading to Djeme. Processions have connected the East and the West banks of Thebes since the New Kingdom and one may ask whether Deir el-Medina was implicated in these rituals. The vast development of the theology of Djeme during the 1st millennium BC clearly appears in this temple where the multiple facets of the dead and living god embodying two stages of a cycle are exploited. Indeed, not only is he named Amun-Re, but one might also discuss the implication of Osiris and Montu-Re in this structure. The osirisation of the theology of Amun-Re under Ptolemaic governance has already been established as well as the importance of Montu in the Theban beliefs of the time. My doctoral research on the Deir el-Medina temple leads me to examine both its implication within the processions of Djeme and the information it may provide about this specific theology.

Ewa Laskowska-Kusztal

Research Centre for Mediterranean Archaeology

Polish Academy of Sciences
The relations between the cult centre of Mandulis at Kalabsha and the religious centres on Elephantine and Philae
This paper touches upon research issues associated with the Ptolemaic temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha. It presents a hypothesis on the involvement of Elephantine in the creation of the cult centre at Kalabsha as well as a commentary to the additional decoration of this temple, from the first years of Augustus, prepared by Philae.
Barbara Richter

Department of Near Eastern Studies

University of California, Berkeley
On the Heels of the Wandering Goddess: The Myth and the Festival at the Temples of the Wadi el-Hallel and Dendera

One of the most important festivals celebrated during the Ptolemaic Era was the Return of the Wandering Goddess, a commemoration of the joyous homecoming from the Nubian desert of the sun god Ra’s daughter, his Eye. Evidence of this festival, or allusions to the myth from which it derives, appear in at least twenty-two Ptolemaic temples spanning the length of the Nile. Most studies of this myth, which contains both cosmic and earthly themes, have concentrated on its origin and development without regard for the placement of its related scenes in their architectural settings. Because of the intrinsic relationship between texts, images, and architecture in Egyptian monuments, a study that integrates these elements can reveal important information about the function and purpose of the myth within the temples, as well as the processional route of the associated festival.

In order to find relationships between buildings that would have served as stage settings for the festival, two well-documented groups were chosen for study: the small desert temples in the Wadi el-Hallel near el-Kab, and the complex of temple buildings at Dendera. A list of criteria (including protagonists, locales, offerings, and rituals or actions from the myth) was developed to determine if certain scenes or texts in the temples of this study relate to the myth. Information on all extant scenes and texts was compiled for the three temples of the Wadi el-Hallel (the Temple of Amenhotep III, the Chapel of Thoth, and the Hemispeos), as well as for the Barque Chapel and the Per-wer Sanctuary at Dendera, for a total of 125 scenes.

An analysis of these scenes and their placement within the architecture showed that the small temples in the Wadi el-Hallel, all of them containing barque stations, worked together to celebrate the festival of the Return of the Wandering Goddess, assimilated to the local goddess Nekhbet, as well as suggesting that the festival was probably the main raison d’être of these small temples during the Ptolemaic period. The Barque Chapel at Dendera had a similar singular function--as a rest stop for Hathor before she entered her barque for navigations on the lake, shown by the emphasis of the festival in its decoration. However, the main temple of Dendera, the central focus of a large complex of buildings, had many more functions and rituals to carry out. The myth worked its way into other festivals at Dendera, but its great importance in the theology of Hathor is shown by its presence in the holiest part of the main temple, where the return of the Eye also brings about a restoration of Ma’at to the country and to the cosmos.

A closer look at the ways in which texts and images interact in their architectural settings can increase our understanding of how decoration not only reflects theological ideas, but also serves to protect sacred focal points within the temple, which in turn function to protect the stability of the cosmos and the prosperity of the land.

Gyozo Voros

Budapest University of Technology

Greco-Egyptian Temple Architecture: Taposiris Magna and Nea Paphos
During my excavations of ancient Egyptian and Greek temple architecture at Alexandria between 1998 and 2004, there appeared a mixed temple, a child of the two thought never to have been born: an Egyptian standard temple, built in the land of Egypt (Taposiris Magna), in the dynastic period of Egypt (3rd C. bc), in honour of an Egyptian deity (the goddess Isis), with a pair of Egyptian pylons (the sign of an Egyptian temple) at the main gate of its temenos, yet its courtyard was home to a Greek, Doric peripteral sanctuary. We prepared the theoretical reconstruction of this sanctuary from its architectural elements; and by reconstructing the layout of the architectural structure with the legendary Greek circles, we proved that the temenos and the sanctuary were contemporaneous. The missing link in architectural history, the mixed temple, provided clear evidence of the mutual Egyptian presence of Egyptian and Greek temple architecture, of the unique nature of Alexandrian Egyptianization, and of the receptiveness of early Hellenism.

At the time of the last dynastic empire in Egypt (that of the Ptolemies), the architects of the Alexandrian Pharaohs constructed a new capital on the island of Cyprus, in the territory of the Ptolemaic Empire: Nea Paphos. The Hellenistic settlement is entirely Greek: not a single Egyptianizing architectural element is to be found in the ruined city. The acropolis-temple to the goddess Aphrodite-Isis, which was also reconstructed theoretically, and was to appear in the form of an outrightly Corinthian peripter, the temenos of which rose up as the acropolis hill. As one of the results of the Hungarian excavations in Cyprus since 2004, we can state that the classical Egyptian modes of expression in temple architecture are connected to the Nile Valley: it is only there that its symbolism and structure are valid. This is the reason why it did not spread throughout the Roman Empire.


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