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Glickman Selected to Replace Valenti at MPAA

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Glickman Selected to Replace Valenti at MPAA

By Jeffrey H. Birnbaum and Mark Stencel
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, July 1, 2004; 5:05 PM

Dan Glickman, a former agriculture secretary and Democratic congressman from Kansas, was cast today in a difficult but glamorous new role as the movie industry's top lobbyist in Washington, taking the place of Jack Valenti, who is retiring as president of the Motion Picture Association of America.

Valenti, 82, a former aide to President Lyndon B. Johnson, is the dean of Washington trade association heads. He is best known for devising the industry's voluntary parental-guidance rating system, narrowly heading off federal intervention.

"It's been a long ride, it's been a great ride," Valenti said at an event introducing Glickman at Washington's Hay-Adams hotel. "But everything comes to an end."

The new head of the movie association, who will take over for Valenti in September, faces a number of complex legislative and regulatory issues -- from questions about protecting intellectual property rights in an increasingly borderless, digital world to constant criticism of on-screen violence from both Republican and Democratic politicians.

The association courted prominent lawmakers from both parties, including Sen. John Breaux (D-La.) and Rep. W.J. "Billy" Tauzin (R-La.), to find a successor to Valenti. Victoria Clarke, the former Pentagon spokeswoman who also was an aide in former president George H.W. Bush's 1992 campaign, was another top candidate for the position, according to a report last week in the Los Angeles Times.

Glickman's salary was not disclosed today, although Valenti confirmed that his pay would be in the seven-figure range.

Glickman, who ran the Agriculture Department from March 1995 until the end of President Bill Clinton's second term, acknowledged that he has little experience with entertainment issues.

"I'm going to have a steep learning curve," he said.

"I love the movies," he added. "I will fight very hard for the industry in terms of fighting against piracy."

With both houses of Congress in Republican hands, the former Democratic lawmaker also said he would make a point of reaching out. "This is not a partisan job," he said.

Glickman is a senior adviser at Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP, one of Washington's biggest lobbying law firms. He also has been director of Harvard University's Institute of Politics since August 2002. He represented Kansas's 4th Congressional District for 18 years, serving on the agriculture, judiciary and intelligence committees, before he was ousted from his seat in the 1994 elections, when the GOP took control of Congress. Clinton appointed him agriculture secretary the following year.

In 2002, Glickman decided against challenging Sen. Pat Roberts (R-Kan.), but he remained politically active as a lobbyist, saying in a March 2003 Washington Post article that his experience and connections had proven attractive to many clients. "There's no question I know a lot of people," Glickman said. "If somebody says, 'What's this guy like on the Hill,' I can tell about my experience with him."

Glickman has a personal connection to the entertainment industry. His son, Jonathan, is a movie producer and president of Spyglass Entertainment, a self-financed production company based at The Walt Disney Studios. The younger Glickman has produced such movies as "Inspector Gadget," "Rush Hour" and its sequel "Rush Hour II."

The movie association's membership includes the Walt Disney Company's Buena Vista Pictures Distribution; Sony Pictures Entertainment, Inc.; Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios, Inc.; Paramount Pictures Corp.; Twentieth Century Fox Film Corp.; Universal City Studios LLLP and Warner Bros. Entertainment, Inc.

Another Example of University job with grant research from govty and automatkers, now hired by gov agency with ghotst ties still influenceing employee’s decisionmaking in regard to the specific field the grantors’ interests

Consumer Group Says OMB Is Meddling With Fuel Efficiency

By Cindy Skrzycki
Tuesday, July 13, 2004; Page E01

Let's just say they have never been friendly.


Public Citizen, one of the nation's leading consumer groups, and John Graham, the head of OMB's regulatory review apparatus, butted heads before the former Harvard professor took the top regulatory job at the Office of Management and Budget in 2001.

The consumer group whipped up a 150-page report on Graham, his history as director of the Harvard Center for Risk Analysis, and the potential conflicts it thought he would have in his new job. Public Citizen made it clear he was not their choice for the below-the-radar, influential job that involves assuring that the major rules issued by the federal government pass muster.

Now, the two have locked horns again. Convinced that Graham is exerting extraordinary influence over the federal agency in charge of setting fuel efficiency standards for cars and trucks, the group has tried to document -- without much luck so far -- the early involvement that Graham has had in the process.

The group has asked OMB for all kinds of information under the Freedom of Information Act that it thinks would allow it to connect the dots to show that Graham has not only been reviewing regulations, but actively directing agency action on how to restructure the highly controversial fuel economy program. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration issued a proposal in December 2003 asking for comments on "reforming" the program as it applies to light trucks, which include pickups and SUVs.

The corporate average fuel economy, or CAFE, program has been around since the 1970s as a congressional response to oil shortages. Since 1990, the standard for passenger cars has been 27.5 miles per gallon. It is 20.7 miles per gallon for light trucks, but will increase to 22.2 miles per gallon by 2007 -- its first increase in more than a decade.

Since the program's inception there has been tension between environmental and consumer groups, those who believe the standard should be much more stringent and those who favor the status quo. The argument against raising the standard has traditionally been that to meet it, car companies would be forced to produce smaller, lighter cars that are less safe than heavier vehicles.

This is a view that Graham took when he studied CAFE issues from 1988 to 1992. At that time, Graham's work was funded by the federal government and donations from the Big Three automakers.

"Now at OMB, he is asserting a profound influence over the outcome of the Bush administration's efforts on fuel economy regulations. Indeed, the agency's recent proposal regarding light truck fuel economy regulation is completely aligned with Graham's long held, yet inaccurate belief, that fuel economy regulation results in significant weight reduction," and thus less safe vehicles, Public Citizen said in a background memo.

That school of thought was aired, along with others, after the National Academy of Sciences proposed that regulators consider various attributes, including weight, in 2001 when it studied the effectiveness of the mileage standard.

The consumer group is worried that the Bush administration and Graham will favor a shift to a weight-based system, replacing the current system that has one fixed mileage standard for passenger cars and one for light trucks. Under a weight standard, heavier vehicles would have to meet a less stringent miles-per-gallon requirement.



Paul R. Portney, who was chairman of the NAS study group, said he did not sense that the administration was in any particular camp, but that it preferred no real action until after the election. "I had no sense there was a favored outcome they were angling toward," said Portney, who is also president of a think tank called Resources for the Future.

Public Citizen asked for the internal documents so it could gauge the involvement of Graham and other high-level Bush administration appointees in an interagency working group on CAFE reform formed after the NAS report was issued.

Traditionally, agencies write drafts of rules and then send them to OMB's Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs for review. But the Bush administration has had "early involvement" in some important environmental rules, a practice that gives OMB influence at the draft stage of a rule without any required documentation of the discussions.

In response, OMB told Public Citizen the tab would be $27,000 to do the electronic excavation of its e-mail archives; many of the other documents were not legally available for release, OMB said.

After a series of administrative appeals, Public Citizen filed suit against OMB last month in federal court in the District, asking that the government make the records public at no cost.

Public Citizen sent the same request to the Department of Transportation and received telephone logs, meeting logs and calendars, some e-mail correspondence, and a few memos at no charge. The e-mails show Graham was involved as early as 2001 and wanted to meet with the safety agency officials in mid-2003 to go over the CAFE proposal.

Graham said he was chairman of the interagency group and heavily involved in the process, including making suggestions for the proposal -- though NHTSA wrote the actual document. "The Administration's CAFE reform process is aimed at saving fuel, saving lives in highway crashes, and protecting American jobs in vehicle manufacturing," Graham wrote in an e-mailed response to questions about the dispute. "Weight-based reforms are under consideration."

He said they have been used in Japan since 1996 and that the NAS concluded they could achieve more fuel conservation, more safety and more equitable competition among carmakers than the current program if designed properly.

Graham's active approach, though used to some degree by other administrations, troubles Joan Claybrook, president of Public Citizen.

"They aren't looking to improve fuel economy. They are looking to service Detroit. This was not put together by NHTSA and all of its experts digging into the facts and figures. Graham wanted to get in early and frame the policy before the agency could come forward with its proposal," she said.



Rae Tyson, a spokesman for NHTSA, vouched for the paternity of the proposal: It "originated with this agency. It's based on our own research and our own thinking."
Evite will offer searchable listings from five big partners, including Ticketmaster, TicketWeb, Active.com (a sports site) and Match.com (the popular dating site). The directory will list roughly 50,000 events each month, compared with 3,000 previously.

"We want to become the place to go online to organize your social time will also add options that give visitors a view of events personalized to their interests. People will be able to tell Evite what they like -- or let the site infer their interests from the kinds of searches they run.

America Online announced a new service Thursday that allows hearing-impaired people to place operator-assisted relay calls from within AOL's instant messaging service.

The new AIM Relay Service works on any computer, cell phone or handheld device running the online service's instant messaging software; instead of using a special teletypewriter relay phone, users can send a relay vendor's screen name an instant message with the phone number they wish to call. Once the other party picks up, a relay service operator acts as the caller's mouth and ears, reading aloud his or her typedmessages and replying with transcriptions of the other party's spoken words.

"Imagine someone's car broke down and they didn't have their TTY with them, but they did have their T-Mobile Sidekick," said Tom Wlodkowski, AOL's director of accessibility. "They could just ping the screen name of their relay service, open an instant message and ask the relay operator to call Triple A."

Participating partners include MCI's IP-Relay.com (AIM screen name: MyIPRelay) and the Hands On Video Relay Service (AIM screen name: hovrsIM.) www.aim.com

"Cable television giants are jumping into the same body of water: They've just started to offer phone service using Voice Over Internet Protocol technology, or VOIP (pronounced 'voyp'). AT&T, which invented phone service, is in the game too: It hopes to ride VOIP back into the local phone business. And Cisco Systems, which has long dominated the Internet router market, is betting big on the technology. It wants to be to the new Internet-based phone network what Ma Bell was to the phone system of the 20th century: chief architect and equipment supplier.

Pros


early adopters of the technology are willing to put up with a few glitches in exchange for big savings and the satisfaction of thumbing their noses at the nation's dominant regional telephone companies."

"In addition to voice mail, call waiting and caller identification, Internet phone customers can retrieve voice mail online as e-mail. They also can arrange conference calls with point-and-click ease on their computers and sometimes even pick their area code.

Cons

price savings may shrink, especially if authorities decide to regulate the service. Federal and state regulators are weighing whether to treat the technology as a phone rather than information service. If it's a phone service, the government may require payment of access charges and universal service fees."


"Security is another top concern – a company's phone system is vulnerable to the same attacks as its personal computers. Experts even warn about the possibility of 'voice spam'

Some home alarm systems have trouble with broadband connections, or their manufacturers don't yet trust the reliability of the Internet. Also, there's still no way to guarantee VoIP phones will work when power is lost, and not all VoIP providers offer 911 service. During a power outage, a VoIP phone is only as good as any battery backups on hand, because delivering power through the broadband connection isn't possible on a wide commercial basis. An emerging alternative broadband-delivery technique, broadband over power line, will solve this problem, but wide deployment is years away."

Washington Post technology columnist Rob Pegoraro reviewed three VoIP services, rating the set-up and call quality of service of AT&T's CallVantage, Vonage and 8x8 Inc.'s Packet8. His conclusion? "These services aren't for everyone. If you make very few phone calls in the first place, you'll save money by getting a low-end land-line plan. If you make a lot of calls, you may still come out ahead by picking the right calling-card plan – the VoIP services often had great international rates, as low as 2 or 3 cents a minute to Europe or Japan, but I found cheaper rates to other countries, such as India. You should also consider whether, instead of spending $20 or $30 a month on VoIP, you would be better off using all or part of that cash to upgrade your cell phone's calling plan," he wrote. "But for anybody looking to add a second or third phone line, or who routinely spends hours a month on long-distance calls, VoIP looks like the way to go. It's here, it works (well enough) and it will save you real money. And I expect it will get better in a hurry. You'll soon see cable or DSL modems with built-in VoIP circuitry, eliminating the confusing setup – followed by VoIP phones that include their own WiFi receivers, so you can make calls using any available WiFi signal."

Vonage and its chief executive, Jeffrey Citron. "Citron made the technology accessible, turning a regular phone into an Internet appliance about as complicated as an answering machine. And his phone service is cheaper because he avoids traditional phone companies' expensive infrastructure and overhead and he circumvents portions of Baby Bells' and rural phone companies' pricey access. Citron has penned deals with retailers such as Amazon and Best Buy. He has also signed partnerships with five cable companies and two Internet service providers so that Vonage can bundle its service with their broadband or Internet access."


On the Left, in politics

Republicans invoke independent sources to back their charge. The National Journal, a Washington nonpartisan policy magazine, and Americans for Democratic Action, a liberal advocacy group, have produced vote analyses that last year placed Kerry and Edwards at the liberal end of the Democratic spectrum in the Senate. But even these organizations warn that their liberalism indexes can, for a variety of reasons, create misleading impressions.

The significance of this crossfire over the Democratic ticket's ideological profile remains uncertain. Several Democratic strategists say Kerry is wise to resist being tattooed as liberal, since only about 20 percent of national voters identify themselves this way, and the word evokes negative associations with big government and cultural elitism for many of the rest.

At the same time, Democratic strategists say the word by itself lacks the potency it had. Kerry needs "to be attentive to specific issues, but in general the label just doesn't have the same explosive power," said Stan Greenberg, a Democratic pollster who has studied how cultural liberalism produced a flight of white lower-middle-class voters from the Democratic Party in the 1980s.

"There's no evidence in the data I'm looking at that [Kerry and Edwards] are being hurt by it," Greenberg said. The liberalism charge once was an effective "wedge issue" to scare independent voters away from Democrats, he said, but now it works mainly as a "base strategy" to motivate people who already lean Republican but need a reason to get to the polls.

National Journal's annual analysis of legislators' votes found in 2003 that Kerry and Edwards, respectively, had the first- and fourth-most-liberal voting records in the Senate. In assigning the rankings, editors identified 63 important votes in the Senate last year and applied a complex statistical formula designed to illuminate how a legislator's record followed an ideological pattern.

Despite the aura of scientific precision, in individual years the results can sometimes be thrown off kilter in ways that leave a distorted impression.

Kerry and Edwards, busy campaigning, were absent from the Senate for many of the votes that went into the latest index, so only certain votes entered the formula. Although Kerry has scored consistently on the liberal end of the journal's index since coming to the Senate in 1985, 10 current senators have a higher lifetime average,

Americans for Democratic Action, or ADA, which wants senators to earn a high rating, has a more straightforward ranking system. Each year the group identifies 20 important votes and assigns five points each time a senator votes the way ADA advocates. Kerry has a lifetime average of 92. As Republicans note, this is two points higher than Democrat Walter F. Mondale's lifetime ADA average. Mondale, the 1984 presidential nominee, is regarded as the most emphatic old-style liberal offered by Democrats in recent decades.

But such numerical comparisons do not reflect the historical context in which the rankings are made. During the 1970s, when Mondale was casting Senate votes, Democrats controlled Congress. Many Democrats routinely backed dramatic expansions of government's role, such as national government-run health insurance or federal jobs programs to guarantee full employment, that go far beyond anything a Democratic nominee has supported in recent years. On the other hand, there are issues today, such as support for gay rights, that even ardent liberals of 30 years ago would not have gone near.

One of Kerry's more effective defenses against the charge that he is a reflexive liberal may be the support of the centrist Democratic Leadership Council, or DLC. Formed in 1985 out of concern that the party had drifted too far left, the group has rarely hesitated to criticize Democrats who it believes cleave to an outdated special-interest brand of liberalism. The DLC, which criticized former Vermont governor Howard Dean's candidacy in last winter's primaries, has been enthusiastic all year about Edwards and Kerry.

Al From, the group's founder, said the Republican accusations of liberalism "pretend that the reform movement of the 1990s" in the Democratic Party under President Bill Clinton never happened. From maintains that, by backing anti-crime measures and welfare reform over the objections of many urban liberals and by backing free-trade measures over the objections of labor unions, "Kerry was here and was an important part of the redefinition of the party."

Mark J. Penn, Clinton's pollster, maintains that the liberalism charge is still dangerous for Democrats, who he says should move aggressively to rebut the accusation. The liberal label is dynamite, he said, because for many of the 80 percent of the electorate who do not identify themselves as liberals, the word is synonymous with high taxation and naive dovishness on national security. But he said the dynamite cannot explode if most voters do not believe it is real.

"You still don't want to be perceived as 'liberal,' " he said, "any more than you want to be perceived as 'right wing.' " In this year's race, he said, Bush is carrying the greater ideological burden. Rankings such as the National Journal's do not cause problems for Kerry so long as "you don't have a real-time event that depicts him as a liberal."

Scott Stanzel, a Bush-Cheney spokesman, said the campaign does have such real-time evidence of Kerry's leanings, including his vote against an $87 billion spending measure to support military operations in Iraq. Kerry said he would have backed the spending if the administration had agreed to pay for it by rescinding some of its tax cuts for the wealthy. Kerry also is opposed to the death penalty, which most Americans support. Stanzel said Kerry has "the pattern and record of someone who is out of the mainstream."

Kerry was helped on his way to the nomination by, for the most part, avoiding ideological battles within his party. Polling showed that moderates and liberals backed Kerry as the most likely to beat Bush.

In addition, as Congress has become more polarized on partisan grounds, the whole notion of distinct ideological wings within each party has become less relevant than the daily warfare between the parties, said ADA communications director Don Kusler.

This is reflected in the group's liberalism ratings. As recently as 1980, for example, the ADA average for all Democratic House members was 58 percent, as legislators often crossed lines and backed bipartisan measures. Last year, the House Democratic ADA average was nearly 90 percent. Similar, though slightly less pronounced, trends have occurred in the Senate, also riven by nearly constant partisanship.

Kusler said this trend is one reason that comparison of Kerry's rating with Mondale's is not particularly apt.

For his part, Kusler wishes that a word that he regards as having an honorable heritage -- backing civil rights at home and robust human rights policies abroad -- will be one Democratic presidential nominees will again embrace.

Conservatives have "been working on redefining the word 'liberal' for decades, and turning it into a four-letter word," Kusler said. "We don't want to give up the word. We've been losing the fight for the definition."

Id Theft

Phishers are online fraudsters who use a combination of baiting and switching with e-mail messages and Web sites to trick people into handing over valuable personal information such as credit card numbers.

In a typical phishing scheme, a scammer sends out an e-mail message disguised to look like an official notice from a respectable business such as a bank or online store. The message tells recipients that their account information has lapsed and prompts them to click on a link to enter it again. Users then are carried to a counterfeit Web page where they are prompted to enter credit card numbers or other private data, unwittingly handing their information over to the thieves.

Phishing threatens the integrity of secure shopping on the Internet and could hurt electronic commerce, said the bill's sponsor, Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.). "If you can't trust where you are on the Web, you are less likely to use it for commerce and communications," Leahy said in a statement released on Friday.

Phishing scammers already violate a host of identity theft and fraud laws, but prosecuting them under those statutes can be challenging, said Rich Phillips, a Leahy aide. To charge scammers now, law enforcers need to prove that a victim suffered measurable losses. By the time they do that, he said, the scammer has often disappeared.

Phishing victims lost $1.2 billion to identity theft-related fraud between April 2003 and April 2004, and were three times more likely than the average American to have their identities stolen, according to an online survey of 5,000 people conducted in May by Stamford, Conn.-based firm Gartner Research.

"The Internet's becoming a very dangerous place to conduct financial business unless you're willing to scrutinize your activities very closely," said Gartner Vice President Avivah Litan.

The Anti-Phishing Working Group, a group of Internet service providers, banks and other companies that suffer because of phishing, identified more than 1,000 different scams in May, said the group's chairman, David Jevans. The average phishing attempt will reach between 50,000 and 1 million e-mail in-boxes, he added.

Visa USA, whose logo and Web site are often duplicated by scammers, launched an anti-phishing educational campaign earlier this month with the Treasury Department, the FTC, Call for Action and the Better Business Bureau.

The FTC has filed several fraud cases against suspected phishers. Top commission officials have spoken out against phishing but the FTC has not taken a stance on Leahy's legislation, said spokeswoman Claudia Bourne Farrell.

Phillips said that Leahy is hopeful that Congress will approve the bill, but acknowledged that it might not get a vote because before Congress adjourns because of the busy election year schedule.

Phishing victims alone lost $1.2 billion to identity theft-related fraud between April 2003 and April 2004, and were three times more likely than the average American to have their identities stolen, according to an online survey of 5,000 people conducted in May by Stamford, Conn.-based firm Gartner Research. One of the newest, most virulent forms of ID theft on the Internet, "phishing" scams involve online thieves who dupe consumers into entering personal data on counterfeit banking and e-commerce Web sites.

The law also orders the U.S. Sentencing Commission to consider increasing the penalties for employees who steal sensitive data from their own companies. There's a reality in how prosecutors do their business and that reality is that they're going to take the cases that are easiest to prove and carry the most weight,"

Thursday, July 15, 2004; 4:57 PM

President Bush signed a tough new identity theft bill into law today, legislation passed by Congress in response to evidence that the problem is growing rapidly as more Americans use the Internet to shop and manage their personal finances.

The Identity Theft Penalty Enhancement Act adds two years to prison sentences for criminals convicted of using stolen credit card numbers and other personal data to commit crimes. Violators who use that data to commit "terrorist offenses" would get five extra years.

Philip N. Hogen, chairman of the National Indian Gaming Commission. Ernst Weyand, an official in the FBI's Indian Country investigative unit.

Just like eBay facilitates buying and selling, we facilitate lending and borrowing," says Joel Maske, founder and chief executive of San Francisco-based Moogul Networks Inc.

At first glance, Moogul (www.moogul.com) which takes its name from the Indian dynasty that built the Taj Mahal. Maske's idea is to create an online marketplace helping people to rent and lend things to one another. The person offering an item for lending or renting sets the time period and price each borrower must pay. Borrowers pay lenders directly, using PayPal, paper checks or other payment forms the lender may accept.

Moogul charges no listing fees, but collects a commission from the lender each time an item is rented -- 35 cents plus 5.25 percent of the lending fee. Next, the owner ships the item to the borrower. Lenders can avoid the post office by using special mailing labels available from Moogul, or by making their items available for local pickup. After the time limit for borrowing is up, Moogul will post the item as "available" again on the network. Then when a second borrower orders it, the first borrower must ship it directly to that person -- that is, unless the owner has required it be shipped back. But for books and other media, it appears most Moogul lenders are letting their items circulate rather than having them sent back, which reduces overall shipping costs.

Moogul's pricing rules differ for music. Because copyright laws prohibit people from renting their CDs, Moogul requires music CDs to be offered for free in an "open sharing" system. No such copyright restrictions prohibit owners of books and movies from renting them to strangers, according to Maske.

The Motion Picture Association of America said it had no problem with Moogul, at least not based on the sketchy outline of the service I provided. The Recording Industry Association of America had no comment.

In addition to its sharing marketplace, Moogul offers a social networking feature allowing people to connect and build networks of friends. And like eBay, it provides a virtual reputation system that encourages people to publicly rate one another after they've been involved in a transaction. As for deadbeats, Moogul said it will kick off those who fail to follow the rules three times. So far, Moogul has a few thousand users and fewer than 2,000 items offered on its network. Some who are using it seem enthusiastic.

PapaMedia.com, an Internet-only bookseller in Miami, has already listed 40 books for two-week rentals at $2 a pop, including 11 copies of "The Da Vinci Code."

"At PapaMedia, our prices are often 40 percent lower than Amazon or Barnes & Noble, but we don't have the marketing arm to adequately compete with these giants," said Gary Kanal, PapaMedia's chief executive. "So we are trying new ways of selling, like Moogul."

Another business trying out Moogul is San Francisco chain Cole Hardware, which is in the process of listing hundreds of items that it has available for rental at its four local stores.

"For us it is a no-brainer, because we already rent tools and supplies to our customers," said Rick Karp, president of Cole Hardware. "If Moogul is successful, it will give us an opportunity to drive more traffic into our stores."

Maske envisions most of the site's revenue, at least initially, coming from local businesses that have goods to rent. "One missing piece on the Internet so far has been a site that can really connect you with local retailers in a way that's efficient and as easy as Amazon or eBay."

See if there is explanation on concept of patches All the patches can be accessed through www.microsoft.com/security. Microsoft also encourages Windows users to visit its Windows Update site (windowsupdate.microsoft.com) and allow it to scan their computers for needed software updates.


Find “campaign and Elections magazine


House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Tex.),

DeLay's Corporate Fundraising Investigated
Money Was Directed to Texas GOP to Help State Redistricting Effort

By R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, July 12, 2004; Page A01

In May 2001, Enron's top lobbyists in Washington advised the company chairman that then-House Majority Whip Tom DeLay (R-Tex.) was pressing for a $100,000 contribution to his political action committee, in addition to the $250,000 the company had already pledged to the Republican Party that year.

DeLay requested that the new donation come from "a combination of corporate and personal money from Enron's executives," with the understanding that it would be partly spent on "the redistricting effort in Texas," said the e-mail to Kenneth L. Lay from lobbyists Rick Shapiro and Linda Robertson.

The e-mail, which surfaced in a subsequent federal probe of Houston-based Enron, is one of at least a dozen documents obtained by The Washington Post that show DeLay and his associates directed money from corporations and Washington lobbyists to Republican campaign coffers in Texas in 2001 and 2002 as part of a plan to redraw the state's congressional districts.

DeLay's fundraising efforts helped produce a stunning political success. Republicans took control of the Texas House for the first time in 130 years, Texas congressional districts were redrawn to send more Republican lawmakers to Washington, and DeLay -- now the House majority leader -- is more likely to retain his powerful post after the November election, according to political experts.

But DeLay and his colleagues also face serious legal challenges: Texas law bars corporate financing of state legislature campaigns, and a Texas criminal prosecutor is in the 20th month of digging through records of the fundraising, looking at possible violations of at least three statutes. A parallel lawsuit, also in the midst of discovery, is seeking $1.5 million in damages from DeLay's aides and one of his political action committees -- Texans for a Republican Majority (TRMPAC) -- on behalf of four defeated Democratic lawmakers.

DeLay has not been named as a target of the investigation. The prosecutor has said he is focused on the activities of political action committees linked to DeLay and the redistricting effort. But officials in the prosecutor's office say anyone involved in raising, collecting or spending the corporate money, who also knew of its intended use in Texas elections, is vulnerable.

Documents unearthed in the probe make clear that DeLay was central to creating and overseeing the fundraising. What the prosecutors are still assessing is who knew about the day-to-day operations of TRMPAC and how its money was used to benefit Texas House candidates.

Several weeks ago, DeLay hired two criminal defense attorneys to represent him in the probe. He previously created a fund for corporate donors to help him pay legal bills related to allegations of improper fundraising, and is now considering extending its reach to include the fees for these attorneys.

DeLay declined to comment for this article. Stuart Roy, his spokesman, said: "DeLay is doing everything moral, legal and ethical to increase the Republican majority and advance conservative ideas. He raised legal campaign money for effective political activity and that makes his critics enraged. Unfortunately, some Democrats are making an attempt to criminalize politics."

Cristen D. Feldman, the Texas lawyer who filed the suit, said in response, "I guess DeLay and his team forgot they were from Texas . . . [where] the prohibition against clandestine corporate cash is 100 years old."

Many corporate donors were explicitly told in TRMPAC letters that their donations were not "disclosable" in public records. But documents from several unrelated investigations offer an exceptional glimpse of how corporate money was able to influence state politics -- and also of DeLay's bold use of his network of corporate supporters to advance his agenda.

By investing as much as $2.5 million in corporate money in the 2002 election, TRMPAC and another group, the Texas Association of Business, were able to help elect 26 new Republican candidates to the Texas House. The new Republican majority then redrew the congressional district boundaries and, as a result, five Democrats are likely to lose in the Nov. 2 election, according to political experts.

This case "is only one piece of a much larger picture," said Ronnie Earle, the Travis County district attorney running the investigation. "And the larger picture is a blueprint of what is happening in the country, namely a saturation of the political process by large corporate interests with large amounts of money."

Earle, an elected Democrat who oversees the state's Public Integrity Unit, previously prosecuted four elected Republicans and 12 Democrats for corruption or election law violations. So far, he has issued about 100 subpoenas in this case, most of them secret.

Texas is one of 18 states that bar political contributions from corporations for election purposes. But the law has an exception for expenses incurred by political action committees. At issue in Earle's probe, and the lawsuit, is whether the law permits corporations to finance only routine administrative expenses, such as rent, as an official of the Texas Ethics Commission contends, or whether the law permits corporations to finance virtually any activity besides direct contributions to candidates, as TRMPAC's lawyer contends.

The Texas statutes involved -- barring the acceptance of prohibited contributions, the donation of corporate money for improper purposes and the expenditure of money for unauthorized uses -- have been invoked in only a few previous cases. Violations are punishable by as many as 10 years in prison.

Requests to Enron

DeLay's effort to build a Republican majority in the state legislature by channeling large campaign donations to Texas from lobbyists and corporations with interests before Congress dates at least from the 2000 election.

In an e-mail dated July 24 of that year, Enron Executive Vice President Steven J. Kean advised colleagues that DeLay had sent notes to company executives "about designating portions of their contributions for use in Texas."

Three days later, Enron sent a check for $50,000 to the Republican National State Elections Committee (RNSEC) in Washington, and three top executives sent checks totaling $25,000. Around the same time, RNSEC transferred $1.2 million to the Texas Republican Party, which in turn donated $1.3 million to 20 legislative candidates that year, according to federal and state records.

Public records do not track the final destination of the Enron contribution. But Republican National Committee spokeswoman Christine Iverson said any corporate money sent to Texas by RNSEC was spent only for allowable purposes.

In 2001, DeLay assisted Enron in its efforts to secure deregulation legislation. Houston business lobbyist Anne Culver also sent executives at Enron and other energy firms an e-mail in March of that year stating that "Mr. DeLay is interested in what he and the other congressmen may be able to due [sic] legislatively to assist in addressing some of the issues we have" with new pollution-control rules.

DeLay's daughter, Dani Ferro, played a role in arranging access for corporations that gave money to DeLay's project and earned fees for planning fundraising events. On Oct. 10, 2001, Ferro called Enron's Washington-based lobbyists to remind them of an upcoming fundraising event in Florida. "As part of platinum sponsorship, we have the opportunity to have a dinner with Congressman DeLay either here or in Houston," said an e-mail from lobbyist Carolyn Cooney to colleague Linda Robertson. "Dani wants to know" when to schedule it, Cooney added.

Roy, the DeLay spokesman, said there was nothing unusual about DeLay's contacts with Enron, a major local employer that had not yet become notorious for accounting fraud.

Ferro, who has not been named as a target in the investigation but has turned over documents to the grand jury, declined to be quoted for this article.


For a Republican Majority

The efforts to collect money from Enron represented a small part of DeLay's overall campaign to build a GOP majority in the Texas House. DeLay conceived of TRMPAC as a way to counter Democratic spending and pour new money from corporations and their executives into the redistricting effort.

TRMPAC's startup expenses in 2001 were covered by $50,000 in corporate money from DeLay's principal political action committee, Americans for a Republican Majority (ARMPAC). A second payment of $25,000 was made in late 2002. TRMPAC then raised $525,000 in corporate money on its own, and spent less than $70,000 on its director's salary; the rest went mostly toward fundraising, receptions, polls, candidate evaluations, voter identification and private investigations of key Democratic candidates, according to files obtained by The Post.

TRMPAC's director was John Colyandro, a veteran of White House political adviser Karl Rove's direct-mail firm; one of its decision-makers was Jim Ellis, who runs DeLay's ARMPAC; and its chief corporate fundraiser was the same person who performed that function for ARMPAC. As it turned out, ARMPAC donated money to 15 of the same Republican candidates in Texas, sending along cover letters printed on TRMPAC stationery, lawyers said. No allegations of wrongdoing have been made about the ARMPAC donations.

DeLay chaired the TRMPAC advisory board, wrote his own cover letter for its fundraising brochure and received copies of memos that described Texas candidates being considered for TRMPAC funding. He also traveled to Texas to appear at fundraisers and meet with donors, flying at least once on a plane provided by a private company reimbursed by TRMPAC.


DeLay's Corporate Fundraising Investigated

TRMPAC never incurred much in the way of expenses such as rent, utilities and supplies -- of the sort that the Ethics Commission says corporations are allowed to finance. "For all functional purposes," Colyandro said in his court deposition, it was run from the home office of its treasurer. Colyandro did not remember leasing any office space or paying a utility bill.

Colyandro set up a multi-tiered membership program for corporate donors: $100,000 bought a "private dinner" with board members such as DeLay, and $50,000 guaranteed a "special dinner" including two other contributors. But even smaller sums brought access: Jack Dillard, a Philip Morris official, sent $10,000 to TRMPAC in July 22, 2002, and in a letter expressed thanks "for the invitation to meet Congressman DeLay in Austin next week."

Some corporations were careful to specify that their contributions were solely meant to defray legally permissible administrative expenses. TRMPAC solicitations being investigated did not mention the restrictions. For example, DeLay was the featured "special guest" at a fundraising luncheon for TRMPAC at the Houston Petroleum Club, where donors were asked to contribute $15,000 to be considered a co-chair and $25,000 to be listed as an underwriter.

"Corporate checks are acceptable," the invitation stated, according to a copy obtained by The Post.

TRMPAC's appeals worked. More than $254,000, out of a total of $600,000, was collected from 14 corporations between the middle of May and early September in 2002. Only two were headquartered in Texas -- a beer distributor and a builder of prisons; the others were mostly firms with regulatory or policy interests in both Washington and Texas.

For example, Westar Energy, which in 2002 sought a federal tax break, gave $25,000 to win "a seat at the table" during congressional deliberations about the provision, even though it had no business in Texas, according to an internal company e-mail that surfaced in a criminal probe. Its executives joined DeLay -- and top officials from other TRMPAC contributors -- at a golf resort in Puerto Rico owned by a TRMPAC contributor that year. DeLay supported the tax break Westar wanted.

Two other internal documents point to heavy involvement by DeLay in TRMPAC's activities. State Rep. Dianne White Delisi, a TRMPAC board member, told oilman T. Boone Pickens in a letter before the 2002 election that "House Majority Whip Tom DeLay agreed to help us and has been an ardent advocate for us by raising money, making phone calls, serving as a special guest at events, and providing assistance with leading strategists," according to a copy. Pickens's company subsequently donated $5,000, and Pickens sent a personal check for $50,000.

A TRMPAC fundraiser also told members of its "finance" board around the same period that DeLay would participate in a conference call "to update everyone on TRMPAC's efforts to date and to discuss our strategy." Roy said DeLay appears to have participated in the call, adding that Delisi's letter accurately summarized DeLay's overall involvement.

RNC Involvement

Besides spending the corporate money it collected to benefit targeted candidates in 2002 -- through polls, fundraising events, voter identification efforts and investigations of Democratic opponents -- TRMPAC also sent corporate money to the Republican Party in Washington, starting a chain of events under review by prosecutors.

It worked like this: On Sept. 10, TRMPAC's director told its accountant that "a blank soft-dollar check" made out to the Republican National State Elections Committee should be sent overnight to Ellis, the ARMPAC director, at his headquarters in Washington, according to a copy of the director's e-mail. "Soft dollars" was a reference to corporate money. Ellis inscribed $190,000 on the check.

The national committee, in turn, sent the same total amount in seven checks ranging from $20,000 to $40,000 to Texas House candidates on Oct. 4, 2002, completing a transfer that Earle and others believe may have been intended to hide the corporate origins of the money and circumvent the law.

The RNSEC contributions were highly unusual. In no other instance did RNSEC spend more than $2,000 on a state legislative candidate in September, October or November; virtually all of its money went instead to Republican governors and attorneys general.

Earle is scrutinizing the Oct. 4 contributions and trying to determine who was involved in "the decision-making process," according to a copy of one of his subpoenas.

Iverson, the RNC spokeswoman, said the Oct. 4 donations were drawn from a non-corporate account, altogether different from the corporate-related account into which the TRMPAC check was deposited. The fact that the total incoming and outgoing amounts were identical was simply "coincidence," she said. She declined to make available documents she said would support the claim, citing the pending lawsuit.


DeLay's Corporate Fundraising Investigated

Terry Scarborough, a lawyer for TRMPAC, similarly said he considers the transaction legal.

Jonathan D. Pauerstein, a lawyer for Ellis, who signed the TRMPAC check, said he also considers the transaction legal and noted that matching dollar exchanges of this kind between state organizations and federal parties are common among Democrats as well as Republicans. If they constituted improper laundering, "lots of Democrats and Republicans around the U.S. would have soap on their hands," he said.

Help From Friends

TRMPAC played a central, but not unique, role in DeLay's project, which included other political organizations and was assisted in the end by a key Texas lawmaker.

The nonprofit Texas Association of Business spent $1.9 million in corporate money in 2001 and 2002 to send 4 million letters to voters in many of the same districts where TRMPAC's efforts were concentrated. The group is now a target in the investigation, but its lawyer, Andy Taylor, said it is not subject to the same laws as TRMPAC and did nothing illegal.

The Texas lawmaker who played a critical role in the project was state Rep. Tom Craddick (R), a DeLay ally who was running for House speaker in 2002. On Oct. 21 of that year, TRMPAC sent checks for 14 Republican House candidates to Craddick's office; his office then mailed the checks. The grand jury is now looking into whether this or other actions taken in connection with the speaker's race amounted to using "money or things of value" to influence the outcome of the speaker's election, a violation of state law.

Craddick's lawyer, Roy Minton, said that "there is absolutely nothing illegal" about any actions Craddick took in connection with the race.

In all, 17 House members who received money from TRMPAC were elected. Craddick was elected speaker in a secret ballot, and in May 2003, as the redistricting plan came to the Texas House floor, he ordered state police to help track down Democratic lawmakers trying to boycott the vote. The effort was closely coordinated with DeLay, whose chief political aide Julie Ann Sullivan telephoned the Federal Aviation Administration to find a plane used by some of the Democrats.

The House approved the redistricting plan on Oct. 12, 2003. TRMPAC never reported the bulk of its corporate spending to the Texas Ethics Commission; it was reported only to the Internal Revenue Service, a discrepancy first noticed by a nonprofit advocacy group called Texans for Public Justice. Scarborough, the TRMPAC lawyer, said he believes reporting of this spending in Texas was not required by law.

But Karen Lundquist, the Ethics Commission's nonpartisan executive director, said all expenditures derived from corporate money -- whether for administrative purposes or not -- should have been reported. She also said the rules governing spending by political action committees are clear: Corporate money cannot be used for politically related expenses, such as fundraising and vote drives.

Staff researcher Lucy Shackelford contributed to this report.
By Stephen Barr
Monday, July 12, 2004; Page B02

It's official: GAO now stands for Government Accountability Office. The congressional watchdog agency, once known as the General Accounting Office, got its new name last week when President Bush signed legislation that will permit Comptroller General David M. Walker to embark on a new compensation system for GAO employees.

The law, known as the GAO Human Capital Reform Act, will allow the agency to break its link to the federal employee pay system and adopt compensation practices that are more closely tied to job performance and other factors.

The legislation, proposed about a year ago, was sponsored by Rep. Jo Ann S. Davis (R-Va.) and Sen. George V. Voinovich (R-Ohio).

"Congress relies specifically on the judgments of the comptroller general to manage his workforce to produce quality and timely information for our use," Davis said in a statement.

"He has demonstrated good faith and earned our confidence," Davis added.

This year, Walker outlined plans for a compensation and classification review that he hopes will provide "equal pay for work of equal value over time" and also help the GAO control payroll costs in lean budget times.

The proposal has caused concern for some of the GAO's 3,200 employees, in part because it raises the possibility that some employees, because of job status or where salary lines get drawn, might not receive the standard general pay increase that Congress provides to federal employees each year.

Some employees also have lamented the passing of the GAO's old name, partly because of tradition (the agency was created in 1921) and partly because they view "accountability" as a trendy word in management circles.

But GAO officials said the name change better reflects the agency's activities, which involve strategic issues and not just accounting and auditing of financial books, and predict the name change will help reduce confusion among job applicants and the public.

In addition to allowing changes in compensation practices, the law grants the GAO the permanent authority to offer employees early retirement and buyout packages.

Several other personnel flexibilities in the law will help GAO become more competitive in recruitment, congressional aides said.


Fixing Federal Hiring

The House civil service subcommittee, chaired by Rep. Jo Ann S. Davis, has scheduled a hearing tomorrow to put an end to the "blame game" on why federal agencies are not using two hiring flexibilities approved by Congress two years ago, the subcommittee announced.

Last month, the GAO reported that a number of agency officials faulted the Office of Personnel Management for issuing rigid regulations and for providing inadequate guidelines on how to use the new hiring methods, known as "category rating" and "direct hire." OPM contends that the responsibility to develop and use the new methods rests with each agency.

Among the officials scheduled to testify, the subcommittee said, are Dan Blair, deputy OPM director, and David S.C. Chu, undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness. OPM, meanwhile, has announced it will hold a forum Aug. 5 to help agencies streamline their hiring practices. OPM's announcement said it plans to show personnel officials and program managers how the new hiring flexibilities can speed recruitment of college graduates, veterans and others. The forum is the second recently sponsored by OPM on hiring flexibilities.

Union Protest

The American Federation of Government Employees is sponsoring a protest rally outside the Federal Labor Relations Authority headquarters at noon Wednesday. In the union's announcement, John Gage, president of AFGE, accused the FLRA and the Federal Service Impasses Panel of issuing rulings biased against organized labor. The impasses panel recently ruled against AFGE on 25 of 26 contested issues in a contract dispute at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

Diary Live

Christopher Jahn, president of the Contract Services Association of America, will discuss the Bush administration's "competitive sourcing" initiative on Federal Diary Live at noon Wednesday at www.washingtonpost.com. Please join us with your questions and comments.


GSA Drive Stresses the Need to Follow Procurement Rules

By Stephen Barr
Thursday, July 15, 2004; Page B02

Worried about possible contracting irregularities, the General Services Administration has launched a "Get It Right" campaign aimed at ensuring that federal agencies follow procurement regulations.


Stephen A. Perry, head of the GSA, and Deidre Lee, the Pentagon's director of procurement and acquisition policy, announced the initiative Tuesday at a meeting of procurement and contracting personnel.

Members of Congress have expressed concern that some agencies may be using contracts negotiated on behalf of the government by the GSA for purposes outside their scope or intent. For example, a recent controversy involved the use of a technology contract to hire private-sector interrogators at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq.

The GSA also has faced questions about possible inappropriate contracting activities by its Federal Technology Service. According to a recent report to Congress by the GSA inspector general, auditors found improper sole source contracts, misuse of small business contracts and orders for work outside the purpose of the contract.

"We are taking seriously that there have been some problems," said Mary Alice Johnson, a GSA spokeswoman. "Mr. Perry believes that there needs to be full compliance with rules and regulations."

The "Get It Right" plan calls for the GSA to more actively supervise its contract services and undertake "a fully integrated approach to assessing regulatory compliance." One of the plan's goals is to make contracting policies and procedures "clear and explicit" to federal agencies and vendors.

The GSA said it plans to "educate and train the acquisition workforce on the proper use of GSA's contract vehicles and services." Steps are being taken to establish new employee performance standards "to ensure quality acquisitions," the GSA said.

The House Government Reform Committee will hold its fourth hearing on Iraqi reconstruction contracts July 22. David Marin, a spokesman for the committee's chairman, Rep. Thomas M. Davis III (R-Va.), called the GSA initiative "a welcomed and positive step that complements the oversight Mr. Davis is conducting."


Transit Upgrade at Labor?

The House Appropriations Committee yesterday approved an amendment, sponsored by Rep. James P. Moran Jr. (D-Va.), that would direct the Labor Department to increase the transit subsidy for its employees from $65 a month to $100.

Moran's amendment to the fiscal 2005 spending bill for the department, approved on a voice vote, would order Labor Secretary Elaine L. Chao to raise the subsidy without requiring existing labor contracts to be renegotiated.

Local 12 of the American Federation of Government Employees has urged Chao to increase the subsidy in keeping with an executive order issued by President Bill Clinton in 2000. Most Washington area agencies provide the tax break as a way of getting cars off the road.

The department has maintained that the transit subsidy should be determined through talks on a new union contract. The department made a $100-a-month benefit available to its nonunion employees at the start of 2002.



Few Probation Firings

By most accounts, the easiest time to fire federal employees is while they are on probation, usually their first year on the job. But relatively few are let go, according to a recent "Issues of Merit" newsletter published by the Merit Systems Protection Board, which hears appeals from employees facing discipline.

The board's Office of Policy and Evaluation looked at more than 145,000 federal hires in fiscal 2001 and 2002 and found that fewer than 5,000 -- or about 3 percent -- were terminated because of unsatisfactory job performance or misconduct.

About 16 percent of the employees hired during those years also "quit or moved on during the probationary period," the newsletter reported. (Perhaps they got a hint from the boss to leave?)

With agencies under pressure to operate more efficiently, the newsletter noted, "Agencies can no longer afford to tolerate the burden of marginal performers. Supervisors need to take seriously their responsibility to remove under-performers during the probationary period."


E-mail: barrs@washpost.com

General Counsel, Philip J. Perry, Executive Office of the President, Office of Management and Budget, Wash DC 20503 or 09 08 “OMB learned last year that the Corporation had been, for many years, improperly recording the amount of the Trust’s unobligated balances. …the Corporation for many years inappropriately recorded its budgetary obligations.

Letter of Perry 202-395-5044 to Susan Poling, Associate Genl Counsel, Gen Acctg Office, DC 20548 on April 3, 2003 Steve Aitken 202-395-4728, or Kimberley Luczynski 202-395-7870,

De. 3, 2002, Memorandum for Frank Trinity, From: Nicola Goren, Re: Trust enrollments and the Antideficiency Acts.

While the Corporation may have approved more AmeriCorps positions than it may have projected as available in the trust, the Corporation has not incurred an obligation at the time it approves AmeriCorps positions, and thus, cannot have violated the Act at that point in time. The porporation only incurs an obligation with respect to AmeriCorps positions in the Trust at the point of enrollment, or arguable, at the point a member reaches 15% of his term of service.” “At the time the Corporation issues a grant award and, therein, approves a certain number of AmeriCorps positions, that number of positions is a projection, based on the final number of enrolled members (y). The Corporation’s formula anticipates and incorporates the fact that the number of members ultimately enrolled will always be less, by some percentage, then the number of positions approved—or, put another way, y will always be smaller than x. The Corporation’s use of a formula in this manner is contemplated by section 129(f) of the National and Community Service Act of 1990, as amended (NCSA). 42 U.S.C. ss12851(f). aka ‘a probable accounting liability” {MAKE SURE THE POINT IS NOT ABOUT OBLIGATION TO PAY OUT FUNDS, BUT THEAT THE FORMULA IS A EASY WAY TO DISCRIMINATE BY INITIAL ENROLLMENT OF ‘UNWANTED’ ENROLLEE SO THAT THEY CAN BE STATISTICALLY REGISTERED, BUT THEN EASILY DISPOSED OF W/O HURTING THE GRANTEE OR SITE OF ENROLLMENT.

SAMPLE LETTER

Ref #, 4 skips, FullBlock, Date, DS,

“The Honorable First Surname

Chairman


The Honorable First Surname

Ranking Minority Member

Subcommitte on

Committee on Appropriations

United States Senate

DS

Subject: Underlined



DS

This responds/regards

DS

“the amount of the government’s obligation is under the control of the grantee and those they enroll, not the corporation…” “Because funds in the Trust are available without fiscal year limitation, the deobligated funds can be reobligated and used for future education benefits.”



“The Antideficiency Act evolved over a period of time, in response to various abuses. As late as the post-Civil War period, it was not uncommon for agencies to incur obligations in excess of or in advance of appropriations. Some agencies would spend their entire appropriations during the first few months of the fiscal year, continue to incur obligations, and then return to Congress for appropriations to fund these “coercive deficiencies.” Hopkins & Nutt, The Anti-Deficiency Act (Revised Statutes 3679) and Funding Federal Contracts: An Analysis, 20 Mil. L. Rev. 51,56-58 (1978); Louis Fisher, Presidential Spending Power 232 (1975). The congressional response to abuses of this nature was a series of enactments collectively known as the Antideficiency Act, which prescribes a set of funds control and financial management procedures regarding the obligation and expenditures of agency funds.
For purposes of identifying the amount of the obligation, an agency must first identify whether it is the agency or the contractor (or grantee) that controls the costs. 59 Comp. Gen. 518 (1980); 47 Comp. Gen. 155 (1967).”

PS After a KPMG audit RY 02 Financial Statements, “KPMG reported that the Corporation approved more positions in fiscal year 20002 than what was estimated as supportable by the National Service Trust. Audit Report 03-01 at 23, KPMG, Feb. 4, 2003. “…The Corporation has stated that it is in the process of implementing new oversight and enrollment procedure; it is too soon, however, to evaluate their effectiveness.” But the Corporation insists it had a moratorium of 4 months that was meant to be remedial, not because it owed any money.


www.cncsig.gov RSCH

J. Russell Georg, Inspector General “The Honorable.J. Russell George”

1201 New York Ave, NW, Ste 830, Wash DC 20525, 800-452-8210 202-606-5000
RSCH Pres Bush July 3, ’03, signed Strengthen AmeriCorps Program Act
The 1993 Act also established the CNCS Office of Inspector General. The OIG conducts and supervises independent and objective audits and investigations of CNCS programs and operations. Based on the results of these audits, reviews, and investigations, the OIG recommends policies to promote economy and efficiency and prevent and detect fraud and abuse in the Corporation's programs and operations. 


home page IS

www nationalservice.org


About Us : Civil Rights/Equal Opportunity


Employee Policy – Policy for employees and applicants for employment

Grantee Policy – Civil Rights Statement regarding volunteers, service participants and other beneficiaries

Corporation Harassment Policy – Policy against sexual, racial, national origin, or religious harassment

Equal Employment Opportunity Data – Posted Pursuant to the No Fear Act 115K PDF

Non-Harassment Guidelines – Guidelines for Corporation Grantees 29K PDF

Acceptable Interview Questions – Civil rights guidelines for Corporation grantees on acceptable interview questions 17K PDF


Disability Law – Quick primer on Disability Law for Corporation Grantees 17K PDF

Accessibility Guidelines – Accessibility guidelines for Corporation grantees 18K PDF

Non-Discrimination Guidelines – Non-discrimination guidelines for Corporation grantees 18K PDF

Legal Responsibilities Presentation – As National Service Program, What Are My Legal Responsibilities Regarding Persons with Disabilities?
This Microsoft Power Point presentation is available via e-mail request or download. 35K PDF

Part 1203 – Non–discrimination in Federally Assisted Programs – Effectuation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 104K PDF

Part 1232 – Non–discrimination on Basis of Handicap in Programs Receiving Federal Financial Assistance 104K PDF




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