Chero is a land-holding and cultivating class of people in this district. Cheros at one time ruled over Gangetic provinces and were the rulers of Palamau for a long time. They claim to be Rajputs. Palamau Cheros are divided into two sections-Barah hazar and Terah hazar. The former is higher in rank and includes most of the descendants of former ruling families who assume the title of Babuan. The Babus of Nawa Jaipore or ex-Deogan State, those of Bisrampur belong to this group. The Terah hazar are of lower rank and they are
scattered over the district. Colonel Dalton makes the fol1owing observations on the physical characteristics of Cheros:-
The Cheros vary in colour, but are usually of a light brown colour. They have high cheek, bones, small eyes, obliquely set, low broad noses and large mouths with protuberant lips. According to Buchanan, the old Cheros claimed to be Nagbansis. Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh was for sometime under the sway of the old Cheros. In Shahabad also many ancient monuments are ascribed to them. An inscription at Buddha Gaya mentions one Phulichandra who is said to have been a Chero. In Palamau they retained their dominant position till the accession of the British Government. They had expelled the Raksel chief sometime ill the reign of Jahangir. They had invaded Palamau from Rohtas with the aid of Rajput chiefs, the ancestors of the Thakurais of Ranka and Chainpur and had driven out a Rajput Raja of the Raksel family. The latter retreated into Sirguja and established himself there as a Raja. It is said that Palamau population then consisted of Kharwars, Gonds, Mars, Korwas, Parahiyas and kisans. Of these tribes the Kharwars were only conciliated by the Charos and were allowed to remain in peaceful possession of the hill tracts bordering on Sirguja. It is popularly asserted that at the commencement of the Chero rule in the district, they numbered 12 thousand families and the Kharwars 18 thousand families, If an individual of one or the other is asked to what tribe he belongs, he will say not that he is a Chero or a Kharwar but that he belongs to the 12 thousand or to the 18 thousand, as the case may be.
The Charos of the district live strictly as Rajputs and wear sacred thread (janau). They do not, however, intermarry with really good Rajput families. The Babuans of Bisrampur and Deogan ex-States have intermarried with Rajput families. If the economic condition of other Cheros was selind there would have been no hitch in their case also for such kind of intermarriage between the Cheros and Rajputs. Intermarriages between the Chero and Kharwar families have taken place. A relation of Palamau Raja married a sister of Maninath Sinha, Raja of Ramgarh Cheros claim to be the descendants of Ghyavan Muni, one of the great Hindu Rishis. The Cheros have a tradition that they came from Morang.
The marriage service of Cheros conforms to the orthodox Hindu pattern. At the close of bhanwar ceremony the couple march round an earthen vessel set up under the bridal canopy of boughs, the bridegroom stooping touches the toe of the bride and swears to be faithful to her through life. Polygamy is permitted but is not very common. The Cheros have Brahman Gurus and priests. They worship Hindu gods but worship such spirits as Baghaut, Cheori, Darha, Dwarfal and others to which goats, fowls and sweets are offered. In these sacrifices Brahmans do not take part. A Baiga belonging to one of the aboriginal races performs the Puja of these spirits. They have also a priest like some of the Kols, called Pahan (priest) who is either a Bhuiya or Parahiya. The deity honoured is the; tutelary spirit of the village.*
The social status of the Cheros was very high even, in the Moghal period of Indian history. They were given the ranka of Mansabdars in Akbar's Court. Their children are invested with sacred thread by a Brahman priest at the time of
marriage. Agriculture is their original occupation but nowadays they keep shops, do cartaging, work on roads or in coal mines and collect tasar, lac and catechu. In the forcible words of Mr. Ferbes the Cheros are a proud race and exceedingly jealous of their national honour. They have never forgotten that they were once a great people and that their descent was a honourable one. Only the very poorest will hold the prough."
This picture of the Cheros may be supplemented by the observations of Sunder on the Cheres in the Survey and Settlement Report to show what have been the changes and how they were about six decades back. It may also be mentioned here that unfortunately no sociological investigation appears to have been made on the present day Cheros. The Cheros form an excellent subject of investigation as there has been a tremendous change in their socio-economic structure owing to acculturisation.
Sunder observesas follows:-
"The Cheros of Palamau are divided into two sub-castes. Barahazar or Barahajaria and Terehazar or Birbandhia, and are found chiefly in the hilly cultivated northern tappas of Kote, Pundag and Imli. They are rare in the southern part of the district. The number of holdings in possession of these people in the villages to which this settlement relates is 455, and the area covered by them is 3,203.42 acres. The rent payable for this land is Rs. 2,428. The two sub-castes are sub-divided into seven clans, having the distinguishing titles of (1) Mowar, (2) Kuanr, (3) Sanwat, (4) Rautia, (5) Manjhi, (6) Sohanait and (7) Mahto. Among the Mowars and Kuanrs there is (1) a Barko, Mowar and a Chotka Mowar and (2) a Barka Kuanr and It Chotka Kuanr. The Chotka Kuanr is alleged to have come to Palamau from Buxar in Shahabad with the ancestors of the late Kuanr Bhikari Singh of Manka. The legond regarding the creation of the Birbandhia Cheros is this: A wealthy Chero who had resided in Birbandhia had invited his friends, who were all Cheros, to it feast. They came and found him with kharams (wooden sandals) on his feet, while he was pouring ghi into dal that was intended for them. This so irritated them that they not only abused him and left his house, but also out casted him. Since then there have been two castes, the followers of theoutcasted Chero being the present Birbandhia Cheros."
Of the history of the Cheros, Colonel Dalton in his Ethnology of Bengal,writes as follows:-
"The Cheros were expelled from Shahabad some say by the Savars or Suars; some say by a tribe called Hariha. The date of their expulsion is conjectured to have been between the fifth and sixth centuries of the Christian era. Both Cheros and Savars were considered by the Brahmans of Shahabad as impure, or Malechhas; but the Harihas are reported good Kshatriyas.
"The overthrow of the Cheros in Mithila and Magadha seems to have been complete. Once lords of the Gangetic provinces, they are now found in Shahabad and other Bihar districts, only holding the meanest offices or concealing themselves in the woods skirting the hills occupied by their cousins, the Kharwar; but in Palamau they retained, till a recent period, the position they had lost elsewhere. A Chero's family maintained almost an independent role in that pargana till the accession of the British Government; they even attempted to hold their castles and strong places against that power, but were speedily subjugated, forced to pay revenue, and submit to the laws. They were, however, allowed to retain their estates; and though the rights of the last Raja of the race were purchased by the Government in 1813, in consequence of his falling into arrears, the collateral branches of the family have extensive estates in Palamau still. According to their own traditions (they have no trustworthy annals) they have not been many generations in Palamau. They invaded that country from Rohtas, and with the aid of Rajput Chiefs, the ancestors of the Thakurais of Ranka and Chainpur, drove out and supplanted a Rajput Raja of the Raksel family, who retreated into Surguja, and established himself there. It is said that the Palamau population then consisted of Kharwars, Gonds, Mars, Korwas, Parhaiyas, and Kissans. Of these, the Kharwars were the people of, most consideration; the Cheros conciliated them and allowed them to remain in peaceful possession of the hill tracts bordering on Surguja. All the Cheres of note who assisted in the expedition obtained military service gtants of land, which they still retain. It is popularly asserted that at the commencement of the Chero rule in Palamau they numbered twelve thousand families and the Kharwar eighteen thousand, and if an individual of one or the other is asked to what tribe he belongs, he will say, not that he is a Chere or a Kharwar, but that he belongs to the twelve thousand or to the eighteen thousand, as the case may be."
Colonel Dalton says: "The Palamau Cheros now live strictly as Rajputs, and wear the paita or caste thread." This, however, is not correct. Some Cheros wear jineo or the sacred thread; but many do not do so, in fact, there are said to be more Cheras in Palamau without the thread than with it. Many of those who do not wear it eat fowls, pork, eggs and drink liquor; this, however, is not done openly, the reason being, as some of the leading Cheros explained to me, that if they made it public, Brahmanas who now eat pakki and drink water that is given by them, would cease to do so. The Tere-hazar Cheros will eat both pakki and drink water from the hands of the former, but will not eat rice cooked by them.
Again Colonel Dalton says that "intermarriages between Chero and Kharwar families have taken place: but from enquiry in the distriet, I find that such marriages have never taken place in Palamau. The present direct descendant of the Raja of the Cheros is Rai Kissen Bux, Rai Bahadur of Nawa Jaipur, who has married into Rajput families, owing to which, it is said, that Cheres who wear the sacred thread do not eat with him, unless food is cooked separately for them by a Brahman. Of the Chero headmen whom I questioned, some said that their ancestors came from Morang, while others alleged that they came from Kumaon. The written story regarding his family given to me by Rai Kissen Bux, Rai Bahadur, is as follows:-
"The origin of the family is traced from Raja Keso Narain Singh, a Boondya Rajput, who was Raja of Ghurgoomti in Bundelkund. His daughter was married to one Chawan Muni, after whom they are called the Chawanbansi, or children of the Moon. Their descendants reigned at Kumaon for five generations. Foolchand Rai, one of the family, conquered Bhojpur, where they continued for the next four generations, until Raja Shahbul Rai conquered the Raja of Champaran and settled there. But the latter, with the aid of the Emperor of Delhi, took Shahbul
Rai prisoner and regained his territory. Shahbul Rai's son, Bhagwant Rai, fled from Champaran and found shelter with Raja Deo Sahi of Dhawadand. From here Bhagwant Rai came to Palamau, accompanied by Puran Mul, a younger son of Raja Deo sahi, and obtained service under Manu Singh the then Rakseyl Raja of Palamau, to whom he had brought letters of introduction from Raja Deo Sahi. In the following year during the absence of Raja Manu Singh at Surguja. Bhagwant Rai treacherously murdered his family and seizing the guddee, proclaimed himself as the first Chero Raja of Palamau. The family has been in the district for over 200 years."
"Marriage.-Among Charos the Kuanr, Sanwais, and Mowar, may marry among themselves; but they should not marry these having the titles of Mahto, Sohanait, Manjhi and Rautia, nor can these, owing the fewness of their number, marry among themselves. Infant marriages are not in vogue. The girl and boy are usually of the age of 10 or 12 years. Puberty begins at 12 years. The marriage ceremony is in the usual Hindu form. The cauple do bhanwar, by walking around the altar, which is set up in the centre of the marwa or marriage canopy, built of bamboos in the courtyard. The altar consists of two kalsas (earthen vessels) that are placed, there in the name of the bride and bridegroom. They are filled with, water and have same dubh (grass), kaseli (betel nut) and a pice placed in each of them. Over the kalsas there are two cavers (dhaknas) in which, cottan seed (banour) and und dal are kept with same mustard oil. There are two wicks in each cover and the four ends of the wicks are lit while the marriage ceremony is proceeding. In doing bhanwar the bride and Bridegroom (the latter being behind the former, with his left hand on her left shoulder and his right hand holding her right wrist) walk round the altar five times scattering parched rice (lawa) before themselves all the while. After each turn the bridegroom stoops and touches the right toe of the bride. After this they return to their seats and are there surrounded by a sheet of new cloth. The sindur bandan ceremony is, then performed by the bridegroom, who marks the bride's forehead five times with sindur." This is followed by the gaona ceremony. The napit makes a slight gash below the nail of the right hand little fingers of the couple and the blood that is drawn is wiped by him with two pieces of mahawar (cotton dyed with lac). The bride and bridegroom are then made to stand and their seats of leaf plates are changed, the bride taking the bridegroom’s and he her's. The napit then puts the mahawar containing the bridegroom’s blood in the bride's right hand and her mahawar with her blood in it in the bridegroom's right hand. Each then tauches the other's throat (kant) with the rnahawar. This is the binding part of the ceremony and is called sine-jora. After this the napit tekes two mango leaves from the bride's patmaur (crown), rolls them and with a cord ties one on the left wrist of the bride and the other on the left wrist of the bridegroom, this is called kakna bandan. The bridegroom's elder brother then receives some silver ornaments together with a sari from his father and after touching the altar where a lump of earth and one of cowdung, representing Gour and Ganesh, are kept, places them in the hands of the bride and thereafter takes off her patmaur of mango leaves. He and other re1atives and friends then throw achat (arua rice) over the couple and the proceedings end by their retiring to their own quarters. Here the bridegroom promises to give his bride some present after which she takes the maur off his head. The maur is placed by the bridegroom's brother or father during assar on the nearest bamboo bush, the belief being that the bridegroom's bans (children) will increase and multiply as the bamboo does. On the fourth day of the marriage called chautai, the bride and bridegroom and the latter's mother and other relatives go to the nearest river for a bath. The kalsa of the bridegroom is taken there and the water in it is poured by the bride over her mother-in-law's head; all then have a bath in the river and return home. Here the bride and bridegroom are seated within a chawka which the napit makes. The bride then takes off the bridegroom's kakna and he removes off her kakna. This closes the ceremony. The two kalsas are carefully stored for one year and then forgotten. The marriage is consummated on the wedding day. A Chero may re-marry (1) on the decease of his wife or (2) if his wife be childless. If she has children, he cannot re-marry. Widows are allowed to re-marry. A widow may marry her deceased husband’s younger brother. Such marriages take place by the sagai form, in order to preserve the honour of the family. Cheros say that a young widow may be persuaded into joining a lower caste, hence marriage with her husband's brother is desirable. They are, however, not forced in the matter, but may do as they like. A man may marry two sisters, provided the elder one is married first. A widow having children, has not been known to re-marry. If a woman be found having committed adultery she is turned out of the house without any ceremony, and thus divorced by her husband. The man with whom she goes wrong, marries her by the sagai form. Neither of them is outcasted. No other form of divorce is recognised.
"Birth.-At childbirth a woman is attended by her mother-in-law if she be available, and also by the chamain. She takes a bath on the sixth day, and on the twentieth day, or sooner, if able, again bathes and wears clean clothes. She draws water from the village well after marking it five times with sindur, and after this she is considered to be dead, and may attend to the duties in the house. Barrenness is not common in Chero women. When a woman is barren, she is looked down on. The saying is she is bani (barren), and not worth looking at'. Nevertheless, she is well treated by her husband. Twins occasionally occur and considered to be a sign of good fortune among Cheros. Births sometime occur out of wedlock. If the woman in presence of a panchayat declares that the father of the child is so and so, the man named is obliged to marry her by the sagai form, and both are permitted to remain in the caste. If the woman fails to mention the father's name, she is outcasted, and nobody will eat with her. Children are named as soon as means are available for paying the Brahman. He is told the date and hour of birth, and he gives the name. If the Brahman is not called, the child, if a boy, is named by the father, and a girl is named by the mother.
''Funerals.-The dead are burnt in the usual manner. The ashes are generally covered over and allowed to remain. Some Charas however, take five bones. viz., two from the feet, two from the hands, and one from the ribs from the ashes of the pile, and place them in a new earthen pot, which is buried in the ground near a pipul tree. The nearest male relative of deceased pours water on the ground over the pot for ten days, and after this the usual ceremony of feeding Brahmans and others is performed.
"Tattooing.-All Chero women are tattooed. Tattooing is confined to women, and is made by the malarin, who is paid from two to four annas. The operation being exceedingly painful, the tattooing is not completed the first year, but is done gradually. Tattooing is done with needles, the pigment employed being kajal (antimony) mixed with woman's milk. Tattooing commences inside the forearms, and then goes on to the neck and chest, the design being according to fancy of the malarin doing it. The marks on the chest are in imitation of necklaces, and those on the ankles and arms resemble anklets and armlets."
Parhaiyas. Parhaiyas at one time formed a very important section of Palamau population. Some of their songs are evidently old war songs of the tribe and one particular song refers to the invasion of Palamau which is “Fly, Fly, Deo Shahi is coming and we cannot resist him". Deo Shabi was the father of Puran Mal, one of the leaders of the invading force. Parhaiyas are still found residing in jungle villages, although some of them have started living in plains also. They are fairly good cultivators and they supplement their slender resources by collecting honey, lac and other jungle produce and barter them with grains, salt, tobacco and cloth.
Sunder had made a detailed study of the Parhaiyas which is quoted in-extenso. It may be mentioned that as there has been no recent sociological research on the Parhaiyas some of the observations of Sunder may have become obsolete now. Sunder observes as follows;-
“Parhaiyas are a Dravidian tribe found, I believe, only in Palamau.According to their own tradition, they have all along been in Palamau and they allege that originally they were the duar pujaris or priests of the Maharajas of the district. They are found chiefly in the southern tappas, seldom towards the north of Daltonganj. They are a simple people, hardworking and laborious, and are good cultivators. In height they are generally about 5 feet 3 inches. They have broad, fiat faces with slightly oblique eyes and their colour is dark copper. In my dealings with them, I found them honest and truthful and they are frank to a degree.
“Food.-All edible jungle products are eaten and no one knows better than the Parhaiya and Brijia where to obtain them. Fish of all kinds, young pig and castrated pig called meda, fowl, goat's meat, deer, hare, doves, partridge, peacock, and quails are eaten. They abstain from eating beef and mutton. Marrow is much relished, also curd and butter-milk. Cow's milk is drunk. Food is cooked by the wife. If there be a. daughter, she helps the mother. Meals are eaten on plates made of leaves of the palas, sakua, mahulan, korca or dorang tree. The wife helps the food. If there be aged parents in the homestead they have their meals before the rest of the family. The aged are much respected. The husband takes his food next and, if there be children, they eat with him in the dhawa or verandah of the house. The wife eats last of all in the room where she had cooked the food. Two good meals are taken daily. In the morning, after ploughing is finished, men take some refreshment in the shape of about quarter seer of mahua. This is called lukma. At noon kalewa consisting of about a seer of sathu, together with boiled vegetable and chilly, are eaten. If rice be available, it is eaten, but is not depended on. Cereals together with roots, vegetables,sagsor meat are preferred and much relished. The principal meal is taken at noon. The next meal, biari, is eaten after sunset and is never a heavy one. If mustard oil be in the house food is cooked in it, otherwise oil of mahua seed is used.
Fire is made by rubbing a piece of dry bamboo smartly against another. The sparks caused by the friction are directed to a piece of cloth which burns soon and is used for lighting fuel in the oven.
"Marriage ceremonies.-Two of the headmen of the village called aguan are sent to the father of the girl to negotiate for her. If her parents be agreeable, Rs. 5 or Rs. 7 are paid to them as dali by the aguan, who are relatives of the young man. This binds the girl's parents from disposing of her elsewhere. About eight days after this the girl's father together with a few male relatives visits the young man. If he be approved, the dali money is retained, if not, the arrangements are broken off. If no objection is made, the Brahman is consulted and he fixes an auspicious day for the marriage. He receives a rupee for doing this. On the day fixed the aguan and a few of the bridegroom's friends go with a doolyto the bride's house. Here they present her mother with a sari and sweetmeats. They also make over to the bride a new san for herself. On the following morning she wears this and is conveyed in the dooly to the bridegroom's house. Her parents follow in the evening. A marwa (wedding shed) is erected in the courtyard of the house and is covered with bamboo twigs and leaves. A plough, yoke with pole, etc., complete is fixed in the ground in the centre of the space occupied by the marwa and two kalsis (earthen jars) filled with water are placed opposite it in the names of the bride and bridegroom. A post made from a branch of the sida tree, covered over with small pieces of rag coloured yellow with turmeric, is fixed in the ground in front of the bridegroom's hut. This is called kaliani. The fathers of the couple then sit together in front of the kaliani and the Brahman pours ghi into an earthen vessel which is kept in front of the kaliani and in which a lighted wick is burning. This completes the ghiu-dhari ceremony. While the ghi is ablaze the parents salute each other. After this the napit takes some flour of arua rice called aipan and makes a square on the ground to the east of the marwa. Two leaf plates called pathal, are placed within the square and the bride and bridegroom are seated thereon/, opposite each other, and in front of the kalsis, the bride looking to the west and the bridegroom to the east. Here they hold up their hands palm upwards and the napit puts rice called achat therein. This is done five times and each time the rice is thrown on the ground over two lumps of earth representing Gour and Ganesh which are kept by the Brahman in front of the couple. Some dahi together with a little aipan this are also kept there as an offering to the deity. After this the fathers of the bride and bridegroom take some turmeric and with it mark the young couple in places from feet to head. A lohra (pestle) is then held by five headmen (being relatives of the parties) together, turmeric is applied to it and after this the head, shoulders, body, and feet of the bridegroom and bride, respectively, are touched with it. Some women then dig a hole in the ground in the courtyard. A yoke of a plough is placed over the hole and the bridegroom is seated thereon. Women being his near relatives, then take the kalsi which had been kept in the marwa in his name and pour some of the water in it over him. After this bath he is wiped and re-seated in the marwa. A similar operation is performed on the bride. The fathers of the parties then exchange cloths with each other. Each puts his cloth over the other's shoulder. They then take two peacock feathers from maur or crown of the bridegroom, put them into dahi and mark each other five times on the forehead and chest with them. After this they salute each other. This is done to establish samdi or friendship that should never be broken. The bride's father then takes her on his right thigh and while she is seated there opposite the bridegroom, the Brahman with some kuss grass in his hands sits to the right of the bride and repeats prayers. A cup made from leaves of the sal tree is placed in the right hand of the bride's father. The Brahman fills it with water. The bride's kalsi is then touched with the cup in the right hand of bridegroom, who hands it over to his father. The water in the cup is poured by him into the kalsi of the bridegroom. This is done five times and is called karmat. After this the bridegroom’s father takes sindur and marks his son's kalsi five times. The napit then takes some parched rice and walks round the bride and bridegroom five times, scattering it in front of them all the while. After each round the bridegroom has to salute the bride by touching her foot over the right big toe with his right hand. After this a few of the elder male members of the family hold a sheet round the young couple and the bridegroom then marks the bride on her forehead with sindur (vermilion). This is the binding part of the ceremony. The nearest female relative of the bride thereafter marks her nose and head with sindur to indicate that she is a married woman. And while this is being done the Brahman and napit receive their neg (fees or presents) according to the circumstances of the parties. The napit scatters rice over the bride and bridegroom. He also performs the gaona ceremony by coloring the nails of the bride's fingers with mahawar (cotton dyed with lac). This entitles her to return home. After this the bride and bridegroom rise and two baskets are placed on the ground by the napit. The young couple walks on this, one behind the other, with an end of the bride's sari knotted to an end of the bridegroom's dhoti. This is called the gat-bandhan. They proceed to their hut stepping on the baskets, but are stopped at the door by the bridegroom's sister, who demands a present. This being promised, she allows them to enter the hut, the door of which is then closed by some relative. Here the couple unties the knot of their garments and also eat some dahi together out of the same plate. The bride also takes off the bridegroom's maur (crown) and he removes her patnwur (head-dress). The marriage is consummated the same day. Two days after this the maur and patmaur are made over to the baiga (village priest) who places them at the gaonhel (sylvan shrine). He is paid two annas for doing this. The bride and bridegroom accompany the baiga and salute the goanhel by bowing before it. After tills they have a bath and put on clean garments and then salute the household gods, viz., Chandi, Duarpar and Baghout. Chandi, if offended, is supposed to cause sickness and death. Duarpar, if displeased, causes sickness; but kills nobody. Baghout is believed to cause death from attack of a tiger when be is dissatisfied. Chandi is supposed to remain at the entrance to every but Duarpar is said to reside within the hut and Baghout is said to also move about there. After this the bride returns to her parents and continues with them for a year during which she is not visited by her husband. In Dashara or Fagua she returns again to her husband and stays with him.
Marriage takes place between the 8 age of 12 and 14 years. Puberty is said to begin at 14 years and the first child is said to be generally born within two years. A man may marry two or more wives if he is able to support them; but polygamy is permitted only when the first wife is childless. A man may marry two sisters provided the elder one becomes his wife first. The first wife is called barki, the second is called chotki. “Divo1ce.-If the husband and wife fail to agree, they may separate by mutual consent. In such cases both parties may re-marry. If the woman re-marries, it is by the sagai form and the man who takes her pays Re. 1-4-0 to her parents. Such a woman is precluded from residing in the apartment in which the deota (deity) is believed to remain. She is provided with separate quarters; and owing to this, divorces are uncommon. Widows remarry by the sagai form The price of a widow is Re. 1-4-0 and is paid to her parents.
“Births.-At childbirth a chamain attends the woman. The chamain remains with the patient for ten days. Women are said to rarely give birth to twins. A woman is unclean for six days. On the lapse of this period, the chatti is performed. The napit paints the woman's nails; he also colors the nails of her feet red with mahawal (cotton dyed with lac). The chamain bathes the woman and she is clothed with new garments; but for 15 days no food cooked by her is eaten by her husband. The child is named by the Brahman who is paid for this from five paid to Re. 1-4-0.
"Habitations.-The Brahman is consulted and an auspicious day is fixed by him for building the hut. If there be only one hut, the door should always face to the east. The hut should not be less than 6 cubits broad and 12 cubits long. The roof is thatched with straw.
"Medicines.-In sickness, medicines are faund in the jungles. In fever, a root called satour is crushed, and mixed with water which is then drunk. The bark of the karam (Adina cordifolia) tree is also crushed and mixed with water, which is strained and drunk. In high fever the root of the mowan tree is crushed and mixed with water which is strained and drunk. The fruit of the morwun tree is crushed and mixed with water. This produces froth, which is rubbed over the body, and is said to reduce the temperature. In colic, the old stem of a cob of maize is burnt, pounded and mixed with black salt and rock salt. A pill is made of this and swallowed. ‘When the stomach is heated' the bark of the baher tree is crushed and mixed with water, which is strained and drunk. Barley, turmeric and gur are ground and mixed with water and drunk for the same complaint. In cough, the juice of the sale tree is drunk. In sorethroat the harre (Terminalia chebula) fruit is burnt, ground, and eaten. In diarrhoea the gum of the sale tree is powdered, mixed with fresh dahi, and drunk. In cholera the seed of an old cucumber is ground and given to the patients. In headache the fruit of the bhela (Semeca1pus Anacardium) tree is cut, and the juice is applied to the forehead. The blisters caused thereby, are said to remove the pain. The juice from leaves of the chilbil tree is also used for blistering the head in the same manner. Garlic is sometimes rubbed over the temples to relieve pam. When half the head aches or in neuralgia, the fruit of the panrer tree called ad-kapali is used. It is worn at the end of the lobe of the ear on the affected side of the head, like an ear-ring. In cold, chilly is ground, mixed with water and drunk. For goitre, the root of the Keinar tree are chitaor root are ground, and rubbed over the affected part in small-pox, cowdung is burnt, and ghi is poured over it. The ashes as soon as cool are put over the affected part.
"Funerals.-The dead are burnt, except in cases of cholera, when they are buried. The funeral pyre is set ablaze by the son or nearest male relative of t1ie deceased. The ashes are collected and covered over with sand, and a mound is made at the place. The bones of the deceased are left there. The funeral party returns home and purify themselves by touching water in which five blades of dubh (grass) and a piece of iron are placed. In the evening some rice is cooked in milk. This is called dudh mui and all the party have to eat of it. On the tenth day after the funeral the napit shaves the male members of the family of the deceased. This is called the dasua. On the 12th day the Brahman is fed and is also given some money, according to the circumstances of the people. The napit and the dhoby are also paid. The relatives and friends of the deceased are fed.
"Tattooing.- All Parhaiya women are tattooed (khodna), which is done by the ghasin or malarin. Her charge is from two annas to four annas, according to the patterns that she may be required to make. Tattooing is done after the age of ten years, and before marriage takes place. Antimony and woman's milk are used, and the pricking is done with three needles. The ornamentation is according to the fancy of the woman who performs the operation, but the patterns are generally necklace, bracelet, and anklet. The figures are made on the arms, neck, chest, and ankles of women. Men are not tattooecd.
“Ornament.- Women wear pairi (anklets); anguta (ring on great toe), anguri (ring on small toe); churi (bracelet) of lac; churla (glass armlet); guria (necklet of beads) hasuli (neckles of silver); tarka (ear-ring); tikli (round wafer on forehead), and nathia and bolak (nose-rings).
Men wear kanousi (ear-ring); bera (bangle of silver), and occasionally udhras (necklace of beads).
“Religion.-The deities are Dharti or Muchukrani, who is believed to remain within the village under a large tree. She is appeased by the offering of a kid. Raksel is be1ieved to keep off sickness provided an offering or a he goat is made to him annually. Duar Pahar is said to be a Dhosad who remains in the village. He is appeased with a male pig. During the Dashara festival a buffalo is killed as an offering to him. Debi Mai is the deity or goodness. A black she-kid is killed as an offering to her."